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Tuesday 10 January 2012

OBC and Muslims are Mostly MISUSED by the Brahaminical Hegemony and in UP Polls,Cong promises quota for Muslims, BJP woos OBCs!Mandal Commision is NOT Implemented as yet. Creamy Layer Created to create Quota and Reservation. OBC Communities are NOT I

OBC and Muslims are Mostly MISUSED by the Brahaminical Hegemony and in UP Polls,Cong promises quota for Muslims, BJP woos OBCs!Mandal Commision is NOT Implemented as yet. Creamy Layer Created to create Quota and Reservation. OBC Communities are NOT Identified and No Caste Certificate is issued so often. OBC Head Count is Denied despite Parliamentary Consensus. On the Other hand, Muslims are coupled with the Ruling Hegemony everywhere despite continuous segregation and Persecution. We have launched a Nationwide Mass Movement to press the Demand of OBC headcount. We also continue to link the Mulnivasi Muslims to Mulnivasi Bahujan. But OBC as well as Muslim communities suffer from Identity Crisis and Identify themselves with the Ruling Class refusing UNITY and Solidarity with SC ST communities.Since 52 percent OBC and 20 percent Muslims are thus HINDUISED, NO NATIONAL Liberation Movement is Possible in India. For Example, Occupy Wall Street Movement is now GLOBAL but Indian Masses have NOT responded as yet as they themselves INCLUDE into the Micro Minority One Percent Ruling class whereas ironically they are the Part of the Ninety Nine Percent EXCLUDED and selected for Ethnic Cleansing. In Gulbarga, Mulnivasi Bamcef Convention we addressed the issue in detail. DR BR Ambedkar has Clarified who are SHUDRAs in India long before but the Shudras as in Bengal, like Kayastha, Mahishya, Baidya, Sadgope, Saha, Consider themselves Caste Hindu.This is self Betrayal. The Barahaminical Politics gets best of this Identity Dilemma. In Gulbarga, a school child SUFIA Khatun Exposed the system, what the child could understood, is beyond our conscience!The Backward class didn't recognise themselves as Shudras is the root cause of their mental Slavery!

The quota card is in the political game with Salman Khursheed promising a 9% sub quota for Muslims in the 27% quota for backward castes. The minister for minority affairs, who is eyeing the forthcoming polls Uttar Pradesh polls, said that if the Congress were to come to power in the state they would reserve 9% seats for Muslims.

Mamata Bannerjee, the Brahamin kanya from Bengal rode over the waves of Anti Land Acquisition Movement in Singur and Nandigram, Now inPower she seeks Foreign Capital Investment assuring,Land acquisition will not be a problem for investors! Mamata also mobilised the Muslims on the Name of Sachhar Committee report and the SC, citing only the Names of Harichand Guruchand Thakur. OBC comunities had NOT be Mobilised at all as they just Crossed the Fences to join the Winning Camp. The Same is to be repeated in Utar Pradesh, I am AFRAID!

As many as 800 more tribal families in Karnataka would be relocated from tiger reserve areas.

Running short of disinvestment target in the current fiscal, the government will incentivise the unlisted PSUs to come up with initial share offerings in the stock market in 2012-13, sources said.States seek more investments from overseas Indians!

Consumption of electronics in India is all set to cross $400 billion by 2020 from the present $40 billion, threatening to cause a major balance of payments crisis by outpacing oil import bill.

Indian Holocaust My Father`s Life and


Palash Biswas

OBC and Muslims are Mostly MISUSED by the Brahaminical Hegemony and in UP Polls,Cong promises quota for Muslims, BJP woos OBCs!Mandal Commision is NOT Implemented as yet. Creamy Layer Created to create Quota and Reservation. OBC Communities are NOT Identified and No Caste Certificate is issued so often. OBC Head Count is Denied despite Parliamentary Consensus. On the Other hand, Muslims are coupled with the Ruling Hegemony everywhere despite continuous segregation and Persecution. We have launched a Nationwide Mass Movement to press the Demand of OBC headcount. We also continue to link the Mulnivasi Muslims to Mulnivasi Bahujan. But OBC as well as Muslim communities suffer from Identity Crisis and Identify themselves with the Ruling Class refusing UNITY and Solidarity with SC ST communities.Since 52 percent OBC and 20 percent Muslims are thus HINDUISED, NO NATIONAL Liberation Movement is Possible in India. For Example, Occupy Wall Street Movement is now GLOBAL but Indian Masses have NOT responded as yet as they themselves INCLUDE into the Micro Minority One Percent Ruling class whereas ironically they are the Part of the Ninety Nine Percent EXCLUDED and selected for Ethnic Cleansing. In Gulbarga, Mulnivasi Bamcef Convention we addressed the issue in detail. DR BR Ambedkar has Clarified who are SHUDRAs in India long before but the Shudras as in Bengal, like Kayastha, Mahishya, Baidya, Sadgope, Saha, Consider themselves Caste Hindu.This is self Betrayal. The Barahaminical Politics gets best of this Identity Dilemma. In Gulbarga, a school child SUFIA Khatun Exposed the system, what the child could understood, is beyond our conscience!

The quota card is in the political game with Salman Khursheed promising a 9% sub quota for Muslims in the 27% quota for backward castes. The minister for minority affairs, who is eyeing the forthcoming polls Uttar Pradesh polls, said that if the Congress were to come to power in the state they would reserve 9% seats for Muslims.

Mamata Bannerjee, the Brahamin kanya from Bengal rode over the waves of Anti Land Acquisition Movement in Singur and Nandigram, Now inPower she seeks Foreign Capital Investment assuring,Land acquisition will not be a problem for investors! Mamata also mobilised the Muslims on the Name of Sachhar Committee report and the SC, citing only the Names of Harichand Guruchand Thakur. OBC comunities had NOT be Mobilised at all as they just Crossed the Fences to join the Winning Camp. The Same is to be repeated in Utar Pradesh, I am AFRAID!

Congress today chose not to get provoked despite the Trinamool Congress daring it to walk out of the alliance in West Bengal and NCP's ultimatum on the Mumbai civic polls and hoped all matters would be resolved through discussion and dialogue. Describing the recent tiff with Mamata Banerjee's party as "internal matter" of the alliance, Congress spokesperson Rashid Alvi expressed confidence that the issue would be sorted out soon. He also downplayed NCP chief Sharad Pawar's ultimatum for an immediate decision on seat sharing for the Mumbai civic polls. Alvi also signalled that Congress is willing to reach out to the allies saying that if there is any proposal for a UPA Coordination Committee, it will definitely be considered. "Mamata is our ally, our alliance partner. This is an internal issue. It has not happened for the first time. When there is an alliance with other parties, differences of view points do exist. We will sort it out soon," Alvi said. Asked whether the party feels the need for a UPA coordination committee so that alliance partners function in more cordial atmosphere, Alvi said regular interactions do take place among allies and "if any such proposal comes before the government, the government will definitely consider it." The AICC reaction came on a day when Trinamool Congress today, for the first time, publicly asked Congress to choose its manner of exit from the alliance in West Bengal. Trinamool Congress Secretary-General Partha Chatterjee also alleged that Congress and CPI(M) had ganged up against the chief minister to stall developments in agriculture and industry in the state initiated by her.

While opposition parties said that the move was inadequate, Khursheed said that the UPA government at the centre has already put in place a 4.5% reservation for Muslims. The 9% quota is something that no other political party is offering, Khursheed said.

Khursheed was speaking at a poll meeting at Farrukhabad constituency from where his wife, Louise is contesting. He said Muslim backward castes such as Mansooris and Qureshis would benefit from the reservation. Khursheed has taken a politically opportune moment for announcing the quota, an issue that has been long simmering with respect to the recommendation of the Sacchar Committee report.
It remains to be seen how the Congress would make the quota legally feasible, as this was one of problems in giving reservation for a religious community. The Constitution does not provide any basis for such a reservation, even though the Supreme Court judgment in the landmark Indra Sawhney case established a legal precedent by recognizing that caste is a class in India. "The caste system should be recognized as a general social characteristic of the Indian society as a whole" the judgment said.


The idea of providing a quota within the OBC quota is seen as a more viable alternative to providing a reservation to the entire Muslim community as a whole. Such a move will sidestep the criticism that reservation for Muslims would go only benefit socially forward Muslims who would corner all the seats. Also, by targeting particularly backward sections within the community it would be able to avoid the pitfalls of communal politics.

Late last year, Khursheed had said that the UPA would be providing reservations to backward Muslims as part of a larger plan to benefit 'minorities', the most backward classes, as well as backwards within forward castes.

  1. Sachar Committee - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

  3. Jump to Report‎: Report. Main article: Sachar Committee Report. The completeSachar committee report is available for download online. ...
  4. Composition - Report - Methodology - Criticism
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  6. Sachar Committee Report - Zakat Foundation of India

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  9. by C Secretariat - 2006 - Related articles
  10. Social, Economic and. Educational Status of the. Muslim Community of India. Prime Minister's High Level Committee. Cabinet Secretariat. Government of India ...
  11. Communalism Watch: Did the Sachar committee report get it wrong ...

  13. 14 Apr 2011 – Did the Sachar committee report get it wrong on West Bengal ? The Hindu, 14 April 2011. Status of Muslims in West Bengal by Maidul Islam ...
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  19. committee, headed by Justice Rajinder Sachar (retired) submitted its report to the ... TheSachar Committee's report is an extremely valuable document on the ...
  20. Minorities have benefited after Sachar Committee report ... - The Hindu

  21. www.thehindu.comNewsNational
  22. 30 Dec 2011 – He cited, among other things, a slew of pro-minorities schemes launched in the wake of the Rajinder Sachar Committee's report. Dr. Singh ...
  23. Sachar Committee Report : A Review - Mainstream Weekly

  24. www.mainstreamweekly.net2006December 23, 2006
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  26. 23 Dec 2006 – The report of the High-Level Committee appointed by the Prime Minister under the chairmanship of Justice Rajindar Sachar, retired Chief ...
  27. Read Sachar Committee Report on Indian Muslims

  29. 1 Dec 2006 – Read Sachar Committee Report on Indian Muslims. The Milli Gazette. Prime Minister's High Level Committee For Preparation of Report on ...
  30. Sachar Committee Report | Ministry of Minority Affairs

  32. Sachar Committee Report. Last updated 23 August 2011 - 2:03pm. Ministry/Department wise status of implementation on Follow-up action on the ...
  33. Justice Sachar Committee Report Findings | Communist Party of ...

  35. 13 Jul 2010 – The Justice Rajinder Sachar Committee report has highlighted the deplorable socio-economic plight of the mass of the Muslim community. ...
  36. Implement the Rajindar Sachar Committee Report - Communalism ...

  38. 19 Aug 2009 – The Rajindar Sachar Committee's report on the social, economic and educational status of the Muslim community in India struck a blow to the ...
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States seek more investments from overseas Indians! Citing the example of China, the Finance Minister, Mr Pranab Mukherjee, today said that India too needs to fully tap the investment potential of NRIs and their entrepreneurial skills and promote inclusive growth.

Consumption of electronics in India is all set to cross $400 billion by 2020 from the present $40 billion, threatening to cause a major balance of payments crisis by outpacing oil import bill.

"We have not yet reaped the full benefits of India's great diaspora. The most obvious area remains that of investment and entrepreneurship. For instance, in China a large chunk of foreign direct investment has come from overseas Chinese," he said, while addressing the 10th Pravasi Bhartiya Divas here.
Though there have been "large ticket investments" by NRIs and PIOs, he said, "it is far less than the potential and perhaps too concentrated on the formal sector. Rather, we must pursue an alternative model. One that is more balanced and holistic in a socio-economic sense''.
Overseas Indians, he said, should increase their contribution in social and economic areas like education, healthcare, and skill development and supplement the efforts of the government to promote inclusive growth.
Mr Mukherjee made these remarks while addressing a gathering of about 1,900 Non-Resident Indians and Persons of Indian Origin (PIOs).
The non-resident Chinese have been playing a major role in the development of China and invest substantial in the domestic economy.
Indian government, Mr Mukherjee said, has been trying to improve the access of the poor and the vulnerable to vital public services by creating entitlements backed by limited legal guarantees which include the right to information, the right to work in rural areas and the right to education.
Efforts, he added, were made to put in place right to food law which would ensure subsidised foodgrains for the poor population.

PTIPitching for more: The Rajasthan Chief Minister, Mr Ashok Gehlot; the Union Minister for Overseas Indian Affairs, Mr Vayalar Ravi; the Gujarat Chief Minister, Mr Narendra Modi; and the Kerala Chief Minister, Mr Oommen Chandy, at a session on 'Global Indian : State Initiatives and Opportunities' during the Pravasi Bharatiya Divas - 2012
Chief Ministers of several States on Monday wooed more investments from overseas Indians by flaunting developmental initiatives launched by their respective governments and concessions offered to entrepreneurs.
The leaders also assured the Non-Resident Indians and Persons of Indian Origin at the 10th Pravasi Bharatiya Divas here that their States would be more than willing to facilitate if they wish to invest in any sector, thus contributing to the overall development.
The Chief Ministers deviated from their prepared speech copies and went all out to woo the NRIs and PIOs as they explained the development initiatives being taken by their respective governments in achieving inclusive growth.
They specially mentioned schemes launched to empower womenfolk in their States.


Speaking on the occasion, the Gujarat Chief Minister, Mr Narendra Modi, punched holes in the current development model calling it as one based on exploitation, and suggested emulation of his State's model where people have been made "equal partners" in the process to achieve inclusive growth.
Deviating from the prepared speech, Mr Modi concentrated on the model adopted by his administration to achieve inclusive growth and explained how his state became a power surplus state in a span of just few years.
Mr Modi, whose speech was heard by delegates from 60 countries, lauded the contributions made by overseas Indians in the country's development, and particularly mentioned the Gujarati diaspora.
"Our vision is to develop the country as a whole while focusing on development in our State of Gujarat which has seen tremendous progress. We turned crisis into opportunities and presented a new model before the country.
"We took major initiatives in the sectors of non-conventional energy sector, agriculture, industrial growth, education and presented a different picture. Gujarat is the first State to take several initiatives that included launching of a solar policy, and setting up of a University of Forensic Science, where security agencies from across the globe are working with the university," he noted.


Another BJP-ruled State, Jharkhand, which has rich mineral resources, sought investments from the overseas community in areas such as hospitality and air taxi services.
Listing the initiatives being taken to put the State on the development path, the Chief Minister, Mr Arjun Munda, said Jharkhand needs investments in quality and specialised healthcare and diagnostic units, hospitals, medical colleges and para-medical institutions.
He said the Government wants to involve more private partners in these sectors and that it has already identified 800 acres of land for a 'Knowledge City' which will host all such institutions, including biotechnology and a pharmaceutical park.
"I assure you that the State will extend all necessary help for making Jharkhand a first choice for your valued investment, along with the use of world-class efficient green technology," he told overseas Indians.


With majority of the non-residents of the State being unskilled and semiskilled workers, the Chief Minister of Kerala, Mr Oommen Chandy, devoted his speech to the initiatives taken to protect them and promote Kerala as an investment destination.
Mr Chandy said the State wants investments in IT and IT-enabled service, tourism, healthcare, knowledge, trade and retailing, and infrastructure development.
He asked the overseas Indian community to "actively" participate in taking Kerala and India on the fast track of growth and prosperity.


The Rajasthan Chief Minister, Mr Ashok Gehlot, said his State was one of the few to have exceeded power generation targets in the past few years and that his administration was continuously concentrating on developing high quality road and transport infrastructure.
He also announced setting up of Rajasthan Infrastructure Development Board to develop world-class infrastructure.
The Haryana Chief Minister, Mr Bhupinder Singh Hooda, lauded the contributions of the overseas community and asked them to partner in the State's growth.

Running short of disinvestment target in the current fiscal, the government will incentivise the unlisted PSUs to come up with initial share offerings in the stock market in 2012-13, sources said.

"The Department of Public Enterprises will encourage listing by PSUs," an official told PTI.
At present, there are about 50 PSUs which are listed and their shares are actively traded in the stock market.
However, about an equal number of the government-owned firms are eligible but unlisted for various reasons.
The government has already decided that unlisted PSUs with no accumulated losses and having earned net profit in three preceding years should come out with Initial Public Offerings (IPOs) even as the state holding would not come below 51 per cent.
One of the options to incentivise the PSUs for IPOs is to put this task in the memorandum of understanding (MoU) which an individual enterprise signs with its administrative ministry.
Annual targets
Under the MoU system, annual targets are set for the PSUs and CEOs get personal appraisal points if the tasks are achieved.
About 50 PSUs including Hindustan Aeronautics Ltd and Heavy Engineering Corporation Ltd can be listed on stock exchanges but these have not opted for the same.
The government had set a target of raising Rs 40,000 crore through stake sale in PSUs in the current fiscal.
Time constraint
With only three months remaining, it has been able to mop up merely Rs 1,145 crore through disinvestment in Power Finance Corporation.
To achieve the mammoth target, the Finance Ministry is working on several methods including share buyback by cash-ich PSUs.
But there is feeling in some departments that offloading government shares in one PSU to the other is not the real disinvestment.

Who Were the Shudras? is a book written by B.R. Ambedkar. Ambedkar dedicated the book to Mahatma Jyotiba Phule (1827—1890).
In this book, Ambedkar argues that the Shudras were originally Aryans belonging to the Kshatriya class. Ambedkar further argues that theBrahmins brought about the degradation of the Shudras.
  1. 38A. Who were the Shudras Preface

  3. "Whether the Shudras were Aryans, or aboriginal inhabitants of India, or tribes produced by the union of the one with the other, is of little practical moment. ...
  4. 38B1. Who were the Shudras PART I

  6. EVERYBODY knows that the Shudras formed the fourth Varna of the Indo-Aryan society. But very few have cared to inquire who were these Shudras and how ...
  7. Who Were the Shudras? - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

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  10. Who Were the Shudras? is a book written by B.R. Ambedkar. Ambedkar dedicated the book to Mahatma Jyotiba Phule (1827—1890). In this book, Ambedkar ...
  11. Shudra - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

  13. It is also mentioned in the Purusha sukta of the Rig Veda that shudras are said to have emanated from the feet of the Virat Purush (पद्भ्याम् शूद्र् ...
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Wooing Muslim voters, Union law minister Salman Khurshid said the Congress party would provide nine per cent sub-quota for backward Muslims if it was voted to power in the coming Uttar Pradesh assembly election.

The Congress leader promised this while addressing a poll meeting on Sunday in Farrukhabad assembly constituency from where his wife Louise is contesting.

Khurshid said the Congress would provide nine per cent reservation for backward Muslims within the existing OBC quota in UP in the event of its forming the government in the state.

He said more than eight castes such as Mansoori and Qureshi would benefit from such a move.

He reminded the voters that the UPA government at the Centre had already taken a decision to provide 4.5 per cent reservation for minorities within the existing 27 per cent OBC quota.

Though opposition parties termed the move as inadequate, such an initiative had never been taken by any government, Khurshid said.

Meanwhile, the BJP has indicated that it will go all out to woo the OBC voters in Uttar Pradesh by highlighting the loss to them once minorities are given reservation from their quota.

Shedding its initial reluctance over Kushwaha's induction into the party, the BJP top brass appears to have reconciled to the need to win over the OBC along with the upper caste in its bid to get more seats in poll bound UP.

Speaking at a party programme here, Leader of Opposition in Rajya Sabha Arun Jaitley said, "Though BJP has always supported reservations as it helps the weaker sections to become strong, it has always opposed reservations on basis of religion. People of different religions, Hindus and Muslims, all figure in the OBC list."

He stated that BJP is open to making further provisions for Most Backward Classes and those who are socially and educationally backward within this quota but reservation for minorities is not acceptable.

The Centre had cleared 4.5 per cent reservation for the minorities within the 27 per cent quota for OBCs which has antagonised the latter as it will eat into their share.

The letter written by Kushwaha, an OBC leader whose community accounts for 3 per cent of the voters, to BJP President Nitin Gadkari asking for suspension of his membership till he is cleared of all charges seems to have ironed out the differences for the time being.

"Other than the BJP, no party is ready to speak about this.... Constitution does not allow reservation on religious basis. BJP will oppose this throughout the nation. Those whose share is being taken away should be heard," Jaitley said.
  1. Census: Bhujbal, Munde seek OBC headcount - Indian Express

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    The Backward class didn't recognise themselves as Shudras is the root cause of their mental Slavery
    Elaborating the basic cause of organizing the convention Mr. Waman Meshram said that or ganizing a convention is not the objective before the organization. BAMCEF had its specific objec tive behind organizing, any type of program or con vention and that objective is to establish the nation wide network BAMCEF had chalked out a broad networking programme and had applied specific strat egies to implement it. For example, the convention has been organized in Bhopal and we are discuss ing the problems of those people who are residing in 6.5 lakh villages. It means that there is a wide gap of communication between the people who had gathered here in the convention and the people who are residing in villages. Unless and until the gap is filled up, none of the movement is going to get success or rather it cannot be established. HENCE, BAMCEF had planned to spread its social net work in all the villages were the indigenous are re siding. Geographically India is divided into 583 Districts, 5500 Tahsils and 6.5 lakh villages. In the first phase, the network will spread in almost 550 districts by the year 2004.
    The first phase program was started in 1.999 and will complete in 2004. Bv this time, the network will also spread in 2000 Tahsils. The second phase will start from 2005 to 2009. Thus, there are two-phase programs each of 5 years. In the 16th national convention which was organized at Patna(Bihar) in 1999. the field-work was done in 24 States and 140 Districts Out of these, delegates from 23 states and 119 districts participated in the convention. The persons who says that your ideology, objective, programs are good, but are not physically with us we don't con sider them with us. This is the principle we had kept for us. The next 17th national convention was organized in the capital city of Uttar Pradesh. For this the fieldwork was done in 24 states and 226 dis tricts of India. Out of these, delegates from 24 states and 191 districts participated in the convention. Thus, there was a rise of network in 72 more districts within a year. In the year 2001, the 18th national convention was organized in the heart of India, New Delhi For this convention, the field work done in almost 300 districts and in 26 states. In this convention, there was a participation of 276 districts of 26 states. So there was a rise of 85 more districts. In the forth coming 19th national convention at Patna, planning has been done to do the fieldwork in 450 districts For this almost 70 full time workers are already in the field. One full time worker is supposed to work in 3 new districts So new 2 10 districts and earner 276 districts will constitute the participation of 486 districts in the Patna convention If the networking program is continued with the same speed then by 2004 BAMCEF will be established in 550 districts and 2000 Tahsils. By this strength we will be able to generate almost 5 crore rupees Also, by this time the no. of full timers will reach upto 550. Almost 2 crores will be spend on these full timers This will be the first phase of the program. This strength will be the foundation of the program for the second phase. In the next phase by the year 2009, the network will spread in 5 thousand Tahsils By 2007. it willTeach to 50 thousand blocks and by 2009. the network will be spread in 6 lakh villages. Like this, all the units will get activated The planning which we had made, unless and until it is implemented with respect to time, it will be of no use. So to check our strength and access ourselves, the state conventions are or ganized regularly. This is a part of geographical net working.

    The second program is of the social networking. We had started special campaign to awaken the most backward castes within Scheduled castes. This year we had planned to organize 8 state level tribal conventions. Two conventions had already over and by November 2002 Six, more will be or ganized. The Other Backward Class constitutes of three important sections of most backward class, backward class and the converted minority class. All these sections are included in the OBC list of Mandal commission. For the most backward class two days national convention has been organized at Lucknow on 27th and 28th September. This year's national convention at Patna will be of five days In these five days, one day will be Hilly devoted for the other backward class and also one complete day convention will be for converted minorities. This will help in establishing and strengthening our social net¬work. To have more impact on social networking the national level convention of Indigenous Doctors, Advocates, Engineers, Officers and Pensioners had been organized in Kolkatta on 9th and 10th August. Previously we were organizing only one national convention, but this year we had organized four na tional level conventions. One can easily imagine how the geographical as well as social networking pro gram of BAMCEF had speeded up. So, conven tions are basically organized to train the caders and to form a nationwide organization of the indigenous people.

    BAMCEF had not only stop with these pro grams but simultaneously is developing the media of indigenous people. The propagation media includes Print media, Electronic media, Traditional media, and vo'cal media. The most powerful among this is Elec tronic media. So BAMCEF had planned to estab lish its Electronic media and already put two retired Doordarshan directors committee had been formed and instructed to submit the report by Dec. 2002. The report will include the information regarding when can be the channel will get start, how much finance will be required, what will be the technical and manpower requirement etc The committee will identify the problems and will come out with full re port by Dec. 2002. If the networking program reaches to 6 lakh villages and if two activist are cre ated within a village then there will be a force of 12 lakh people and almost 3 lakh activist from district levels are with them, then the force will be of 15 lakhs. Out of these if one activist prepares 15 near est people to him then the force will be of 90 lakh and if earlier 15 lakh are added, then it will become a force of 1 crore 5 lakh people by 2009 So we will be having 1 crore 15 lakh people to read our newspapers. To cope up with the requirement of these people their will be need of almost 100 dailies. We should have one daily running in 5 districts and there should be atleast 1 lakh readers The work of print media is going to start by Dec. 2004 from New Delhi. We should also have our own traditional me dia. Arya-brahmins had made our people to listen and listen. We should utilize their already created listening capability of our people and should start our own traditional media and start propagating the stories of our fore fathers. For this traditional media the people's literature, their culture, behavior and fore fathers stories can be collected and can be propa gated so as to reach our people. For this we had already planned to open up one research institute.

    The fourth media is the vocal media For this almost 10 lakh people youths will be trained with some information and will be send in different parts of the country. If the 10-lakh people are creating atleast one new activist then in a day 10 lakh people will get prepared.
    All this geographical, social networking and creation of our own media will create a force(power) and strength, which will be cumulated and will be utilized at proper time. This will be our battle of in dependence. We don't believe in the 1947 indepen dent movement. It was not ours, but it was the move ment of arya-brahmins to establish their supremacy After 1947, one foreigner had left and another foreigner(Arya-Brahmins) had replaced it The other foreigner propagated that India had become inde pendence, which is not true. Still we are the slaves of arya-brahmins and we have to become indepen dent. So, the preparation is for the independent movement. Or biggest problem is that we expect quick results. We think that this is the problem and it should be get settled by evening. We think that by evening we should get respect, self-rule etc. We think that we should be liberated from our slavery. But it is not going to happen. We are not prepared for the same. Some of us may be prepared, but as a society, we are not. To remove this unprepared ness we had initiated the program of networking. For making the desired goal of networking a success, the zonal, state, national conventions are organized.

    Speaking further on the topic Mr. Waman Meshram said that We are not forcing the other backward class to believe that they are Shudras. Our first and foremost appeal to them is that atleast they should try to know that they are shudras. The other backward class person who identify himself as Shudra, directly or indirectly he accepts the Varna system. The OBC should have the information about who had made them Shudra. Today the biggest problem is that they don't have any information re garding this. For the same the said topic was de cided to debate and discuss so that the mental block age is minimized and the networking is increased.

    In one of Jhe program in Saharanpur, I said that the OBC's don't believe that they are shudras The Brahmins had made them shudras. Some Saini caste(OBC) people were sitting between the mass. They immediately stood up and one doctor asked me why I want to make the OBC's Shudras. For them I replied that whom I am to make you shudra. It is the right of arya-brahmins and not mine. To be come Shudra is a matter of social status and all the dharmashastras had given this right to Brahmins. I am only saying that the fourth Varna people in the Varna system are shudras. I asked them that the Saini people believed that they are backward, but have you ever tried to know what is the reason of your backwardness. Have you given a thought over it ?. Rashtrapita Jotirao Phuley gave the concept of Shudra-atishudra Vs. Shetaji Bhataji. Though he was less literate but still he was identifying himself as a Shudra. But it is very strange that today's intellec tual class don't realize the truth that they are shudras. You even don't know that Brahmins had made your social status as Shudra. Rashtrapita Jotirao Phuley realised that he was shudra in 1848 but even after 150 years, our people are not recognizing the truth

    Dr. Ambedkar devoted the book "Who were the Shudras" to Rashtrapita Jotirao Phuley In the Preface page Dr. Ambedkar write that this book is devoted to the greatest Shudra of India, Jotirao Phuley, who realised that social change shall pre cede before political change. As Jotirao Phuley was knowing that OBC's are Shudras, same was the case of Dr. Ambedkar. But it is very pity situation today that even after 150 years we don't know that we are Shudras. The backward class don't recognize their backwardness even they don't have any infor¬mation regarding this. So unless and until they have information, how they will realize their backward¬ness. That means those people who want to make the OBC recognize their backwardness, should pass on the relevant information which is given in all the Dharma Shastras that they are shudras.

    In the Bihar state, one can see that some of the barbers put the title of Sharma. Also, there are organizations like "Kshatriya Kurmi Mahasabha", "Kshatriya Yadav Mahasabha", "Kshatriya Mali Mahasabha" etc. Now when you recognize your self as Kshatriya then the problem arises that then you can't recognize yourself as 'Backward'. Unless and until you recognize yourself as backward, you will not get reservation benefit. If you want reserva tionthenyou can't recognize yourself as Kshatriya. The Kshatriya word is attached to backwards like a . "tail. The backwards realize that by putting the title they are just like Brahmins or equal to Brahmins. But Brahmins don't recognize the backwards as Brahmins. They recognize them as Shudras. Also the Kshatriyas don't recognize the backwards as Kshatriya and same is with Vaishyas. Chief Minister Narendra Modi of Gujarat belongs to Ghisadi caste. The people of this caste are doing the business of making OIL. Our people should have social infor mation rather than bookish information. One of the caste which is in Scheduled caste, the same caste is in the list of OBC in Andhra Pradesh. In Delhi, Rajasthan and Bihar the Koli caste belongs to Sched uled caste. But in Gujarat and Maharashtra the same caste is in the list of OBC. Among all states Bihar is the state where 6 castes people says themselves as Baniya. Hence I am repeatedly saying that most of the backward class people believes that they are Brahmin, Baniya, Kshatriya and Vaishya. That is the reason why the backward class people were de prived of reservation for 42 years in Independent India. When the backward class people are not in a position to identify themselves as Backwards, how will they get the reservation rights The backward class people are neither Brahmins, Khastriyas, Vaishyas nor Scheduled caste or Scheduled tribes. Then in the Varna system the only Varna left is the Shudra Varna. Hence there is no doubt that they are Shudras.

    Chanakya killed Nand through Chandragupt. After that the Purans were written. In Purans it is written that there are only two Varna left. One is Brahmin and the other Shudra. If except Brahmins all are shudras then from were Shudras had came is the question that is raised before us. Dr. Ambedkar in his book "Revolution and counter revolution" and in the chapter Philosophy of Hinduism in it had writ ten one story. Parshuram had killed the Kshatriyas 21 times. But it is a very strange situation to under stand. If the Kshatriyas were killed for first time, who were left for the last 20 times is the issue to be analysed. In the Dharma Shastras it is written it is written that when the Kshtriyas were killed their wives became widow. These widow Kshataraniyas went to Brahmins and made a compassion that the Earth cannot be left without Kshatriyas, so please born Kshatriyas from us. Brahmins listened to their pity and thus new Kshatriyas were borne. This is the documental proofs written in the Brahmanical Dharma Shastras. If this thing is true and the situa tion is applied today, then the so called backwards who call themselves as Kshatriyas are the sons of illegitimates (rascals/bastards) Hence it is the duty of every individual to make aware the OBC's and provide them information.

    Another reason why the OBC's don't rec ognize themselves as Shudras is that the scheduled caste people considers themselves as Shudras Dr. Ambedkar in the book "Who were the Shudras" had written that OBC's are Shudras He had also written a separate book on "Who were the untouch ables". This means that Shudras and Untouchables are different. This concept was very much clear to Dr. Ambedkar. But the same is not clear with their followers who proudly says that they are the follow ers of Dr. Ambedkar. Also those who were know ing that they are not shudras, don't share their think ing with others. Those who were Buddhist and re ject the supremacy of Brahmins, these people were forced in the fold of untouchables. Those Buddhist who accepted the terms and conditions of arya-brahmins were forced in the fourth Varna as shudra As the untouchables were identifying themselves as Shudras, so OBC's were not considering themselves as shudras This resulted in a wide gap between OBC's and SC/ST's instead of any polarization

    When the Brahmins were calling the back wards as Shudras, there was a quick reaction from OBC's and this resulted in a great movement of OBC's in the past. Brahmins analysed the situation and understood that the reaction is due to the word Shudra, so it needs to be changed. So the Brahmins stop calling backwards as Shudras. The reaction was also stopped. Though Brahmins stop calling back wards as Shudras, but they don't stop recognizing backwards as Shudras. As soon as Brahmins stop calling the backwards as Shudras, there was no re action from Shudras and as there was no reaction, there was no rise of movement of OBC's And ulti mately the OBC movement get collapsed

    Arya-Brahmins instead of calling the backwards as Shudras, they start calling them as "'Hindu". By saying Hindu there is no recognisation of any abuse. Instead of any negative reaction the reaction was turned up in a positive way to Brah mins. And as the time passed away the equation of Brahmin and OBC's was materialized in modern India. Independent India There was a unwritten compromise between these two groups and that was, The state rule will be handed over to OBC's and the OBC's will never claim for the central rule in Delhi. For example, when Chowdhari Charan Singh, a Jat (OBC) left the Janta party, Congress gave support to become the prime Minister. As soon as Chowdhari Charan Singh-were sworn as Prime Min ister, Congress withdrawn their support. When the reason of withdrawing the support was asked by Charan Singh, Mrs.Indira Gandhi replied that the support was only fro becoming Prime Minister and not for running the government, so we had with drawn it.

    Sharad Pawar(OBC) was the mem ber of Congress working committee When he tried
    to speak in the Congress working committee, he was thrown away from the meeting. These persons Chowdhari Charan Singh, Sharad Pawar. H D.DeveiiOwda did not followed the unwritten
    compromise hence were thrown away As alreadv Brahmins were calling the backwards as Hindu in stead of Shudra. so there was no! any chance of ami reaction against another Hindu The rulling castes. though they don't identify themselves as Hindu) Until now since there was not any reaction from Shudras, the Brahmins were getting support of 52 % OBC's and hence were easily in a position to capture Delhi Also this resulted in non-recognisation of backwards
    as shudras. They start recognizing themselves as Hindu. But by saying Hindu, can the social status of Backward class is put to an end. By saying Hindu to ourselves we have to give our consent for the Brah min dharma. Indirectly you are accepting the Varna system. If it is so then your social status of Shudra is not going to be changed. This means that the back wards are remaining as Shudras even though they call themselves as Hindu. This creates the mental slavery to accept the Brahmin dharma. Brahmin never identify themselves as Hindu. When in 12th century the Brahmins were defeated by Mugals, they offered the name of Hindu(the defeated people) to Brahmins, but they straight away refused the name and said that they had also defeated the indigenous people of India, so they are not defeaters. That's why Brahmins refused to pay the Jijiya tax which was implemented by Mugals in India. But today they are propagating the slogan "Say proudly that we are Shudras" in the backward regions and not in their own areas. Because they are in a need of a force to demolish the Babri mosque and they are in a minor ity(3.5%). So as a force they want to utilize OBC's(52%). In the warfare when the OBC force is won, indirectly the Brahmin dharma is won. Take the example of Gujarat. On one side the OBC's, SC's are burning the houses of Muslims and at the other end Muslims are burning the houses of SC's and OBC's. But the SC's and OBC's are fighting between themselves and this helps Brahmins to cap ture the Delhi rule. Muslims are the converted people from SC's/ST's and OBC's. So all the indigenous brothers are fighting between themselves. Both the Congress and BJP utilize the SC's and OBC's for their own interest.

    Our problem is, if the information that the backwards are Shudras is not reached to OBC's then how they will recognize themselves as Shudras. When there is no information then how there will be awareness. If there is no awareness then the organi zation will not be developed. If there is no organiza tion then form where will be the Action? When there will not be any action how there will be a revolu tion9 So all the problems are inter linked. Though the problem is seen as a small problem but it is not the small one; IF it is thoroughly analysed then one
    can understand that this problem is the biggest ob stacle in the revolution. So this problem will have to be sorted out and it will be possible only by providing information to the backwards so that they can recognize themselves as Shudras and indigenous and a nationwide movement can be developed.

  23. Muslim - Hindu Riots In India: speech by Waman Meshram: Bamcef

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    1. UP polls: Cong promises quota for Muslims, BJP woos OBCs

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    7. *
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    9. Hindustan Times - 22 hours ago
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    12. NDTV
    13. Kushwaha entry not hasty, but move to woo OBCs: BJPIndian Express
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    23. *
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    39. OBC panel studying Gujjar quota exists only on paper

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    Two days after the Election Commission's directive, work on covering the statues of the Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister, Ms Mayawati, and her party symbol is yet to begin in the State capital and in Noida.

    Though some statues were covered in haste by employees in Noida yesterday, the orders for the same arrived only last evening, officials said today.
    "Draping of statues as directed by the Election Commission would be completed in stipulated period given by January 11 at 5 pm," said Mr Hridesh Kumar, District Magistrate of Gautam Budh Nagar.
    There are around 52 elephant statues and two Mayawati statues at Noida national Dalit prernasthal. At Gautam Budha University too there are 10 statues of elephants and one of Mayawati, Mr Kumar said.
    Authorities in Lucknow also said they have received the order, and draping would start tomorrow and will be done in stipulated period given by the commission. However, it has not begun yet.
    "The work of draping statues will not be executed today and could start tomorrow," the Lucknow district magistrate and district electoral officer, Mr Anil Sagar, told PTI.
    He said that efforts would be made to complete the work within the deadline fixed by the EC.
    The Chief Electoral Officer, Mr Umesh Sinha, said that orders have been given and it has to be complied with by the DEO.
    "January 15 deadline has been fixed. DEO can take time for logistics, but if they can do it immediately, then they should proceed," Mr Sinha said.
    The statues of BSP's symbol, elephant, constructed under a fountain in Samajik Parivartan Sthal at Gomti Nagar in Lucknow were covered yesterday, though some BSP activists allegedly removed the veil within minutes.
    The EC had on Saturday ordered that all statues of Mayawati and her party symbol installed at several places in UP be covered until the Assembly poll were over in the State.
    The Chief Election Commissioner, Mr S.Y. Quraishi, had said the directive should be implemented "at the earliest" as the matter related to the model code of conduct.
    The ruling BSP has termed the order as "one-sided and against natural justice."

    Electronics import bill to outpace oil spend by 2020

    SHARE  ·   PRINT   ·   T+  
    Business LineMr Jaswinder S. Ahuja, President of VLSI Society of India, at the 25th VLSI Design International Conference in Hyderabad on Monday. — P.V. Sivakumar



    Electronic service delivery Bill to be placed before Cabinet soon'Electronics sector will exceed $190 billion by 2015'


    science and technologyelectronics
    tradeexport and import
    Consumption of electronics in India is all set to cross $400 billion by 2020 from the present $40 billion, threatening to cause a major balance of payments crisis by outpacing oil import bill.
    Indian players could contribute only half of the $40-billion, triggering fears that the import bill could shoot up as consumption goes up sharply.
    VLSI Design industry feels that the country needs to build ecosystem to avert such crisis. "First thing we need to do is to create skilled manpower to support the growth of industry.
    "Embedded systems segment would require 5.5 lakh more engineers by 2015 against 2.5 lakh engineers now. VLSI segment would require 55,000 more by 2015," said Mr J.A. Chowdary of The Indus Entrepreneurs TiE.
    Industry experts from across the globe gathered here at the five-day 25{+t}{+h} VLSI Design International conference and 11 International summit on Embedded Systems.
    Addressing the inaugural session, Mr Chowdary said the industry took over 10 years to produce 20,000 VLSI design engineers. It would require much more effort to meet the demand.


    Mr Jaswinder S. Ahuja, President of VLSI Society of India, said consumer confidence across the globe was low, with GDPs (gross domestic demand) projections deteriorating. Despite this bleak situation, semiconductor industry can bank on opportunities available in emerging countries such as India.
    He, however, called for a paradigm shift in pricing. "Pricing and products should keep in mind low income levels in these markets," he said.

    Land acquisition will not be a problem for investors: Mamata

    SHARE  ·   PRINT   ·   T+  
    Business LineThe Chief Minister of West Bengal, Ms Mamata Banerjee, presenting an artificial flower to the State Finance Minister, Dr Amit Mitra, during the inaugural ceremony of the five-day long B2B meeting 'Bengal Leads' in Kolkata on Monday. She created the flower using the ribbon which she untied during the unveiling of the brochure of the meet. — Photo: A. Roy Chowdhury
    But rules will not be bent for the industry
    KOLKATA, JAN. 9:
    The West Bengal Chief Minister, Ms Mamata Banerjee, on Monday made a strong pitch for attracting investments to the State. She, however, made it clear that rules would not be bent for the industry. Ms Banerjee was addressing industrialists at a business summit, Bengal Leads 2012, organised by the State Government.
    "Crime is a crime. You can't compare crime with business. Law of the land has to be followed. Individual issues and business should not be mixed," the Chief Minister said. Though Ms Banerjee did not directly mention the recent fire at AMRI Hospitals, the reference was obvious. "There may be lapses in the fire department but we are willing to see that you (private players) take preventive action on your own. We are ready to give you your chances," she said.


    Yet again asserting that land will not be a problem for investors, Ms Banerjee picked examples of Mr Sajjan Jindal, Chairman-cum- Managing Director of JSW Steel, and local businessman, Mr Sanjay Budhia, Managing Director, Patton Group, to harp on how the State Government had intervened to ensure that there were no problems with the company holding land in excess of the ceiling limit.
    "We are a humane government and will not acquire land for industry. However, investors would not face any problems with land. The State Government would support them," she said reiterating her stand on land acquisition.
    The summit was attended by the ITC Chairman, Mr Y.C. Deveshwar, Chairman of Punj Lloyd Group, Mr Atul Punj, Vice-Chairman of DLF, Mr Rajeev Singh and Mr Sanjeev Goenka of RPG- among others.
    Meanwhile, taking stock of on-going projects, Ms Banerjee said that Mr Goenka was working on augmenting power capacities through his power project at Haldia, while NRI businessman, Mr Prasoon Mukherjee, was developing an eco-tourism hub at Nayachar.
    Keywords: Land acquisition, business summit

    800 more tribal families to be relocated in Karnataka

    As many as 800 more tribal families in Karnataka would be relocated from tiger reserve areas.
    The Social Welfare Minister, Mr A Narayanaswamy, said 142 tribal families have already been relocated. They each have received a compensation of Rs 10 lakh under a Government of India scheme, while the State has given three acres and Rs 5,000 ex-gratia for LPG connection.
    In view of the increasing man-animal conflict, Mr Narayanaswamy and the Forest Minister, Mr C.P. Yogeshwar, held a meeting with legislators from those regions, along with tribal representatives.
    Mr Narayanaswamy said 3,000 tribal families living in eight special forest zones would be given land title deeds within two months.
    Elephant corridors
    Mr Yogeshwar said there should be a permanent solution to prevent elephants from straying into villages, adding, a meeting of experts has been convened on January 21 to discuss the issue threadbare and come out with a comprehensive approach to the problem.
    He stressed the need to strengthen elephant corridors, boundary walls without gaps and solar fencing in this context.
    Mr Yogeshwar lamented that the Forest department is not getting sufficient budgetary allocation, and added he would pursue the matter with the Chief Minister, Mr D.V. Sadananda Gowda.

    Nazi rule influenced the teenage Soros

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    It was the Nazi persecution he experienced as a teenager that helped shape Mr George Soros' character. Being a Jew under the Nazi regime in 1944, it was a rather difficult experience for him and his family, he told an attentive audience in Bangalore.
    "Had it not been for my father's wisdom, I wouldn't be here," he said, recounting his experiences as a 14-year-old back then. "To be exposed to immortal danger at that young age… that shaped my character," said Mr Soros. His father, he recalled, created false identities for the family, a big risk at that time. "Sometimes it's more risky to not take a risk," said Mr Soros.
    Talking on his experience as an investor and hedge-fund manager, he said that he has been effectively using his concepts of fallibility and reflexivity. "I have been using these in my career as an investor and hedge-fund manager and it used to give me an advantage," he said. "Because I also put them in my books and they are widely read, I have now lost that advantage," Mr Soros added quickly.
    On the strategy behind his philanthropic activities, he said that his only objective was "making the world a better place." So far, Mr Soros has invested $8 billion on philanthropic causes. "My theories of fallibility and reflexivity apply to politics as much as economics," he added. According to him, he also undertook "political philanthropy."
    Comparing the democratic set-up in India and the US, he said that India is a democracy with all its faults but playing an increasing important role in the world. "I am less optimistic about democracy in the US. We are in a political crisis as well as financial crisis," he said. He added that he finds solace in the rise of "surge for freedom and progress in the developing world."

    We are in a more dangerous situation than 2008: Soros

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    Business LineMr George Soros, philanthropist and legendary investor addressing at the Azim Premji University Public Lecture Series in Bangalore on Monday. - Photo: G R N Somashekar
    The developing countries will be affected by the European financial crisis, but not as much as the developed world, Hungarian-American investor and philanthropist, Mr George Soros, said here on Monday.
    Participating at the public lecture series conducted by Azim Premji University, he said that the sovereign debt crisis in Europe will have its repercussions in the US. "The developing world will be less affected than the developed world. There will be a tremendous shift from developed to the developing world. However, the rate of growth will decline. While it will still remain positive for here (developing countries), it will be negative in the developed world," said Mr Soros. "We are in a more dangerous situation than 2008," he added. If a large European bank fails, it will have global financial implications. The European crisis is a direct consequence of over use of sovereign credit, and what is missing in Europe is a Central Bank, which is important to handle such crisis. "They are now in the process of creating a fund," he said. It is 780-billion euro "embryo of treasury but not a fully-formed one," he added.
    There is a "prospect of a deflationary vicious cycle" endangering the real economy. "The process of deleveraging is already happening and will see the consequence," pointed out Mr Soros. If the current situation is brought under control, then there will be a period of austerity, he added.
    Globalisation and deregulation went hand in hand, he said, explaining the causes for the financial crises. He pointed out that there has been tightening of regulation, "but it has not been very successful". Every time there was a crisis, there has been a regulatory response.
    Explaining that markets don't always trend towards equilibrium, he said that they follow a boom bust sequence.


    According to him, it was always an interplay between regulators and market participants. "It's a reflexive inter-play… sometimes it takes you close to the equilibrium, sometimes it takes you far away," explained Mr Soros. Financial markets have grown too big and too powerful, he added.
    The need of the hour is a re-think on the "very fundamentals of economic theories," he said, adding that the axioms on which they have been built bear very little resemblance to the real world.
    Keywords: Shift, from, developed, developing countries, European crisis, George Soros

    Inscribed to the Memory of
    MAHATMA JOTIBA FULE (1827—1890)
    The Greatest Shudra of Modern India who made the lower classes of Hindus conscious of their slavery to the higher classes and whopreached the gospel that for India social democracy was more vital than independence from foreign rule.
    How they came to be the
    Fourth Varna in the
    Indo-Aryan Society
    By B. R. Ambedkar



    PART I
    1.  Chapter I - The Riddle of the Shudras
    2. Chapter II - The Brahmanic Theory of the Origin  of the Shudras
    3. Chapter III - The Brahmanic Theory of the Status  of the Shudras
    4. Chapter IV - Shudras Versus Aryans
    5. Chapter V - Aryans Against Aryans
    6. Chapter VI - Shudras And Dasas

    7. Chapter VII - The Shudras were Kshatriyas
    8. Chapter VIII - The Number of Varnas, Three or Four?

    9. Chapter IX - Brahmins Versus Shudras

    10. Chapter X - The Degradation of the Shudras
    11. Chapter XI - The Story of Reconciliation
    12. Chapter XII - The Theory in the Crucible



    In the present stage of the literature on the subject, a book on the Shudras cannot be regarded as a superfluity. Nor can it be said to deal with a trivial problem. The general proposition that the social organization of the Indo-Aryans was based on the theory of Chaturvarnya and that Chaturvarnya means division of society into four classes—Brahmins (priests), Kshatriyas (soldiers),Vaishyas (traders) and Shudras(menials) does not convey any idea of the real nature of the problem of the Shudras nor of its magnitude. Chaturvarnya would have been a very innocent principle if it meant no more than mere division of society into four classes. Unfortunately, more than this is involved in the theory of Chaturvarnya. Besides dividing society into four orders, the theory goes further and makes the principle of graded inequality. the basis for determining the terms of associated life as between the four Varnas. Again, the system of graded inequality is not merely notional. It is legal and penal. Under the system of Chaturvarnya, the Shudra is not only placed at the bottom of the gradation but he is subjected to inunumerable ignominies and disabilities so as to prevent him from rising above the condition fixed for him by law. Indeed until the fifth Varnaof the Untouchables came into being, the Shudras were in the eyes of the Hindus the lowest of the low. This shows the nature of what might be called the problem of the Shudras. If people have no idea of the magnitude of the problem it is because they have not cared to know what the population of the Shudras is. Unfortunately, the census does not show their population separately. But there is no doubt that excluding the Untouchables the Shudras  form about 75 to 80 per cent of the population of Hindus. A treatise which deals with so vast a population cannot be considered to be dealing with a trivial problem.
    The book deals with the Shudras in the Indo-Aryan Society. There is a view that an inquiry into these questions is of no present-day moment. It is said by no less a person than Mr. Sherring in his Hindu Tribes and Castes*[f1] that :
    "Whether the Shudras were Aryans, or aboriginal inhabitants of India, or tribes produced by the union of the one with the other, is of little practical moment. They were at an early period placed in a class by themselves, and received the fourth or last degree of rank, yet at a considerable distance from the three superior castes. Even though it be admitted that at the outset they were not Aryans, still, from their extensive intermarriages with the three Aryan Castes, they have become so far Aryanized that, in some instances as already shown, they have gained more than they have lost, and certain tribes now designated as Shudras are in reality more Brahmins and Kshatriyas than anything else. In short, they have become as much absorbed in other races the cletic tribes of England have become absorbed in the Anglo-Saxon race; and their own separate individuality, if they ever had any, has completely vanished."
    This view is based on two errors. Firstly, the present-day Shudras are a collection of castes drawn from heterogeneous stocks and are racially different from the original Shudras of the Indo-Aryan society. Secondly, in the case of Shudras the centre of interest is not the Shudras as a people but the legal system of pains and penalties to which they are subjected. The system of pains and penalties was no doubt originally devised by the Brahmins to deal with the Shudras of the Indo-Aryan society, who have ceased to exist as a distinct, separate, identifiable community. But strange as it may seem the Code intended to deal with them has remained in operation and is now applied to all low-class Hindus, who have no lock stock with the original Shudras. How this happened must be a matter of curiosity to all. My explanation is that the Shudras of the Indo-Aryan Society in course of time became so degraded as a consequence of the severity of the Brahmanical laws that they really came to occupy a very low state in public life. Two consequences followed from this. One consequence was a change in the connotation of the word Shudra. The word Shudra lost its original meaning of being the name of a particular community and became a general name for a low-class people without civilisation, without culture, without respect and without position. The second consequence was that the widening of the meaning of the word Shudra brought in its train the widening of the application of the is in this way that the so-called Shudras of the present-day have become subject to the Code, though they are not Shudras in the original sense of the word. Be that as it may, the fact remains that the Code intended for the original culprits has come to be applied to the innocents. If the Hindu law-givers had enough historical sense to realise that the original Shudras were different from the present-day low-class people, this tragedy—this massacre of the innocents—would have been avoided. The fact, however unfortunate it may be, is that the Code is applied to the present-dayShudras in the same rigorous manner in which it was applied to the original Shudras. How such a Code came into being cannot therefore be regarded as of mere antiquarian interest to the Shudras of to-day.
    While it may be admitted that a study of the origin of the Shudras is welcome, some may question my competence to handle the theme. I have already been warned that while I may have a right to speak on Indian politics, religion and religious history of India are not my field and that I must not enter it. I do not know why my critics have thought it necessary to give me this warning. If it is an antidote to any extravagant claim made by me as a thinker or a writer, then it is unnecessary. For, I am ready to admit that I am not competent to speak even on Indian politics. If the warning is for the reason that I cannot claim mastery over the Sanskrit language, I admit this deficiency. But I do not see why it should disqualify me altogether from operating in this field. There is very little of literature in the Sanskrit language which is not available in English. The want of knowledge of Sanskrit need not therefore be a bar to my handling a theme such as the present. For I venture to say that a study of the relevant literature, albeit in English translations, for 15 years ought to be enough to invest even a person endowed with such moderate intelligence like myself, with sufficient degree of competence for the task. As to the exact measure of my competence to speak on the subject, this book will furnish the best testimony. It may well turn out that this attempt of mine is only an illustration of the proverbial fool rushing in where the angels fear to tread. But I take refuge in the belief that even the fool has a duty to perform, namely, to do his bit if the angel has gone to sleep or is unwilling to proclaim the truth. This is my justification for entering the prohibited field.
    What is it that is noteworthy about this book? Undoubtedly the conclusions which I have reached as a result of my investigations. Two questions are raised in this book: (1) Who were the Shudras? and (2) How they came to be the fourth Varna of the Indo-Aryan society? My answers to them are summarised below :
    (1)  The Shudras were one of the Aryan communities of the Solar race.
    (2)  There was a time when the Aryan society recognised only three Varnas, namely. Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Vaishyas.
    (3)  The Shudras did not form a separate Varna. They ranked as part of the Kshatriya Varna in the Indo-Aryan society.
    (4)  There was a continuous feud between the Shudra kings and the Brahmins in which the Brahmins were subjected to many tyrannies and indignities.
    (5)  As a result of the hatred towards the Shudras generated by their tyrannies and oppressions, the Brahmins refused to perform theUpanayana of the Shudras.
    (6)  Owing to the denial of Upanayana, the Shudras who were Kshatriyas became socially degraded, fell below the rank of the Vaishyasand thus came to form the fourth Varna.
    I must of course await the verdict of scholars on these conclusions. That these conclusions are not merely original but they are violently opposed to those that are current is of course evident. Whether these conclusions will be accepted or not will depend upon the mentality of a person claiming to have a right to sit in judgement over the issue. Of course, if he is attached to a particular thesis he will reject mine. I would not however bother about his judgement for he would be an adversary from whom nothing can be expected except opposition. But if a person is an honest critic, howsoever cautious, however conservative he may be, provided that he has an open mind and a readiness to accept facts, I do not despair of converting him to my view. This expectation may fail to materialize, but about one thing I am quite certain. My critics will have to admit that the book is rich in fresh insights and new visions.
    Apart from scholars, how the Hindu public will react may be an interesting speculation. The Hindus of to-day fall into five definite classes. There is a class of Hindus, who are known as orthodox and who will not admit that there is anything wrong with the Hindu social system. To talk of reforming it is to them rank blasphemy. There is a class of Hindus who are known as Arya Samajists. They believe in the Vedas and only in the Vedas. They differ from the orthodox inasmuch as they discard everything which is not in the Vedas. Their gospel is that of return to the Vedas. There is a class of Hindus who will admit that the Hindu social system is all wrong, but who hold that there is no necessity to attack it. Their argument is that since law does not recognize it, it is a dying, if not a dead system. There is a class of Hindus, who are politically minded. They are indifferent to such questions. To them Swaraj is more important than social reform. The fifth class of Hindus are those who are rationalists and who regard social reforms as of primary importance, even more important than Swaraj.
    With the Hindus, who fall into the second category, those who are likely to regard the book as unnecessary, I cannot agree. In a way, they are right when they say that the existing laws in British India does not recognize the caste system prevalent in the Hindu society. It is true that, having regard to section II of the Civil Procedure Code, it would not be possible for a Hindu to obtain a declaration from a civil court that he belongs to a particular Varna. If courts in British India have to consider the question whether a person belongs to a particular Varna, it is only in cases of marriage, inheritance and adoption, the rules of which vary according to the Varna to which the party belongs. While it is true that the Law in British India does not recognize the four Varnas of the Hindus, one must be careful not to misunderstand what this means. To put it precisely: (1) it does not mean that the observance of the Varna system is a crime; (2) it does not mean that the Varna system has disappeared; (3) it does not mean that the Varna system is not given effect to in cases where the observance of its rules are necessary to acquiring civil rights; (4) it only means that the general legal sanction behind the Varna system has been withdrawn New, law is not the only sanction which goes to sustain social institutions. Institutions are sustained byother sanctions also. Of these, religious sanction and social sanction are the most important. The Varna system has a religious sanction. Because it has a religious sanction, the Varna system has the fullest social sanction from the Hindu society. With no legal prohibition, this religious sanction has been more than enough to keep the Varnasystem in full bloom. The best evidence to show that the Varna system is alive notwithstanding there is no law to enforce it, is to be found in the fact that the status of the Shudras and the Untouchables in the Hindu society has remained just what it has been. It cannot therefore be said that a study such as this is unnecessary.
    As to the politically-minded Hindu, he need not be taken seriously. His line of approach is generally governed by a short-term view more than by long-range considerations. He is willing to follow the line of least resistance and postpone a matter, however urgent, if it is likely to make him unpopular. It is therefore quite natural if the politically-minded Hindu regards this book as a nuisance.
    The book treads heavily on the toes of the Arya Samajists. My conclusions have come in sharp conflict with their ideology at two most important points. The Arya Samajists believe that the four Varnas of the Indo-Aryan society have been in existence from the very beginning. The book shows that there was a time when there were only three Varnas in the Indo-Aryan society. The Arya Samajists believe that theVedas are eternal and sacrosanct. The book shows that portions of the Vedas at any rate, particularly the Pursha Sukta, which is the mainstay of the Arya Samajists, are fabrications by Brahmins intended to serve their own purposes. Both these conclusions are bound to act like atomic bombs on the dogmas of the Arya Samajists.
    I am not sorry for this clash with Arya Samajists. The Arya Samajists have done great mischief in making the Hindu society a stationary society by preaching that the Vedas are eternal, without beginning, without end, and infallible, and that the social institutions of the Hindus being based on the Vedas are also eternal, without beginning, without end, infallible and therefore requiring no change. To be permeated with such a belief is the worst thing that can happen to a community. I am convinced that the Hindu society will not accept the necessity of reforming itself unless and until this Arya Samajists' ideology is completely destroyed. The book does render this service, if no other.
    What the Orthodox Hindu will say about this book I can well imagine for I have been battling with him all these years. The only thing I did not know was how the meek and non-violent looking Hindu can be violent when anybody attacks his Sacred Books. I became aware of it as never before when last year I received a shower of letters from angry Hindus, who became quite unbalanced by my speech on the subject delivered in Madras. The letters were full of filthy abuse, unmentionable and unprintable, and full of dire threats to my life. Last time they treated me as a first offender and let me off with mere threats. I don't know what they will do this time. For on reading the book they are sure to find more cause for anger at what in their eyes is a repetition of the offence in an aggravated form for having brought forth chapter and verse to show that what goes by the name of Sacred Books contains fabrications which are political in their motive, partisan in their composition and fraudulent in their purpose. I do not propose to take any notice of their vilifications or their threats. For I know very well that they are a base crew who, professing to defend their religion, have made religion a matter of trade. They are more selfish than any other set of beings in the world, and are prostituting their intelligence to support the vested interests of their class. It is a matter of no small surprise that when the mad dogs of orthodoxy are let loose against a person who has the courage to raise his voice against the so-called Sacred Books of the Hindus, eminent Hindus occupying lofty places, claiming themselves to be highly educated and who could be expected to have no interest and to have a free and open mind become partisans and join the outcry. Even Hindu Judges of High Courts and Hindu Prime Ministers of Indian States do not hesitate to join their kind. They go further. They not only lead the howl against him but even join in the hunt. What is outrageous is that they do so because they believe that their high stations in life would invest their words with an amount of terror which would be sufficient enough to cow down any and every opponent of orthodoxy. What I would like to tell these amiable gentlemen is that they will not be able to stop me by their imprecations. They do not seem to be aware of the profound and telling words of Dr. Johnson who when confronted with analogous situation said, 1 am not goint to be deterred from catching a cheat by the menaces of a ruffian.' I do not wish to be rude to these high-placed critics, much less do I want to say that they are playing the part of a ruffian interested in the escape of a cheat. But I do want to tell them two things: firstly that I propose, no matter what happens, to follow the determination of Dr. Johnson in the pursuit of historical truth by the exposure of the Sacred Books so that the Hindus may know that it is the doctrines contained in their Sacred Books which are responsible for the decline and fall of their country and their society; secondly, if the Hindus of this generation do not take notice of what I have to say I am sure the future generation will. I do not despair of success. For I take consolation in the words of the poet Bhavabhutiwho said, "Time is infinite and earth is vast, some day there will be born a man who will appreciate what I have said." Whatever that be the book is a challenge to orthodoxy.
    The only class of Hindus, who are likely to welcome the book are those who believe in the necessity and urgency of social reform. The fact that it is a problem which will certainly take a long time to solve and will call the efforts of many generations to come, is in their opinion, no justification for postponing the study of that problem. Even an ardent Hindu politician, if he is honest, will admit that the problems arising out of the malignant form of communalism, which is inherent in the Hindu social organization and which the politically minded Hindus desire to ignore or postpone, invariably return to plague,  those very politicians at every turn. These problems are not the difficulties of the moment. They are our permanent difficulties, that is to say, difficulties of every moment. I am glad to know that such a class of Hindus exists. Small though they be, they are my mainstay and it is to them that I have addressed my argument.
    It will be said that I have shown no respect for the sacred literature of the Hindus which every sacred literature deserves. If the charge be true, I can plead two circumstances in justification of myself. Firstly I claim that in my research I have been guided by the best tradition of the historian who treats all literature as vulgar—1 am using the word in its original sense of belonging to the people—to be examined and tested by accepted rules of evidence without recognizing any distinction between the sacred and the profane and with the sole object of finding the truth. If in following this tradition I am found wanting in respect and reverence for the sacred literature of the Hindus my duty as a scholar must serve as my excuse. Secondly, respect and reverence for the sacred literature cannot be made to order. They are the results of social factors which make such sentiments natural in one case and quite unnatural in another. Respect and reverence for the sacred literature of the Hindus is natural to a Brahmin scholar. But it is quite unnatural in a non-Brahmin scholar. The explanation of this difference is quite simple. That a Brahmin scholar should treat this sacred literature with uncritical reverence and forbear laying on it the heavy hands which the detachment of an intellectual as distinguished from the merely educated is what is to be expected. For what is this sacred literature? It is a literature which is almost entirely the creation of the Brahmins. Secondly, its whole object is to sustain the superiority and privileges of the Brahmins as againstthe non-Brahmins. Why should not the Brahmins uphold the sanctity of such a literature? The very reason that leads the Brahmin to uphold it makes the non-Brahmin hate it. Knowing that what is called the sacred literature contains an abominable social philosophy which is responsible for their social degradation, the non-Brahmin reacts to it in a manner quite opposite to that of the Brahmin. That I should be wanting in respect and reverence for the sacred literature of the Hindus should not surprise any one if it is borne in mind that I am a non-Brahmin, not even a non-Brahmin but an Untouchable. My antipathy to the sacred literature could not naturally be less than that of the non-Brahmin As Prof. Thorndyke says: that a man thinks is a biological fact what he thinks is a sociological fact.
    I am aware that this difference in the attitude of a Brahmin scholar and a non-Brahmin scholar towards this sacred literature—literature which is the main source of the material for the study of the problems of the social history of the Hindus— the former with his attitude of uncritical commendation and the latter with his attitude of unsparing condemnation is most harmful to historical research.
    The mischief done by the Brahmin scholars to historical research is obvious. The Brahmin scholar has a two-fold interest in the maintenance of the sanctity of this literature. In the first place being the production of his forefathers his filial duty leads him to defend it even at the cost of truth. In the second place as it supports the privileges of the Brahmins, he is careful not to do anything which would undermine its authority. The necessity of upholding the system by which he knows he stands to profit, as well as of upholding the prestige of his forefathers as the founders of the system, acts as a silent immaculate premise which is ever present in the mind of the Brahmin scholar and prevents him from reaching or preaching the truth. That is why one finds so little that is original in the field of historical research by Brahminscholars unless it be a matter of fixing dates or tracing genealogies. The non-Brahmin scholar has none of these limitations and is therefore free to engage himself in a relentless pursuit of truth. That such a difference exists between the two classes of students is not a mere matter of speculation. This very book is an illustraton in point. It contains an exposure of the real character of the conspiracy against the Shudras,which no Brahmin scholar could have had the courage to present.
    While it is true that a non-Brahmin scholar is free from the inhibitions of the Brahmin scholar he is likely to go to the other extreme and treat the whole literature as a collection of fables and fictions fit to be thrown on the dung heap not worthy of serious study. This is not the spirit of an historian. As has been well said, an historian ought to be exact, sincere, and impartial; free from passion, unbiased by interest, fear, resentment or affection; and faithful to the truth, which is the mother of history, the preserver of great actions, the enemy of oblivion, the witness of the past. the director of the future. In short he must have an open mind, though it may not be an empty mind, and readiness to examine all evidence even though it be spurious. The non-Brahmin scholar may find it difficult to remain true to this spirit of the historian. He is likely to import the spirit of non-Brahmin politics in the examination of the truth or falsity of the ancient literature which is not justifiable. I feel certain that in my research I have kept myself free from such prejudice. In writing about the Shudras I have had present in my mind no other consideration except that of pure history. It is well-known that there is a non-Brahmin movement in this country which is a political movement of the Shudras. It is also well-known that I have been connected with it. But I am sure that the reader will find that I have not made this book a preface to non-Brahmin politics.
    I am sensible of the many faults in the presentation of the matter. The book is loaded with quotations, too long and too many. The book is not a work of art and it is possible that readers will find it tedious to go through it. But this fault is not altogether mine. Left to myself, I would have very willingly applied the pruning knife. But the book is written for the ignorant and the uninformed Shudras, who do not know how they came to be what they are. They do not care how artistically the theme is handled. All they desire is a full harvest of material— the bigger the better. Those of them to whom I have shown the manuscript have insisted upon retaining the quotations. Indeed, their avidity for such material was so great that some of them went to the length of insisting that besides giving translations in English in the body of the book I should also add the original Sanskrit texts in an Appendix. While I had to deny their request for the reproduction of the original Sanskrit texts, I could not deny their request for retaining the translations on the ground that the material is not readily available to them. When one remembers that it is the Shudras, who have largely been instrumental in sustaining the infamous system of Chaturvarnya, though it has been the primary cause of their degradation and that only the Shudras can destroy the Chaturvarnya,  it would be easy to realize why I allowed the necessity of educating and thereby preparing the Shudra fully for such a sacred task to outweigh all other considerations which favoured the deletion or if not deletion the abridgement of the quotations.
    There are three persons to whom I owe my thanks. Firstly to the writer of Adhyaya LX of the Shanti Parva of the Mahabharata. Whether it isVyasa, Vaiashampayana, Suta, Lomaharshana or Bhrigu it is difficult to say. But whoever he was, he has rendered great service by giving a full description of Paijavana. If he had not described Paijavana as a Shudra, the clue to the origin of the Shudra would have been completely lost. I express my gratitude to the writer for having preserved so important a piece of information for posterity. Without it, this book could not have been written. Secondly, I must thank Prof. Kangle of Ismail Yusuf College, Andheri, Bombay. He has come to my rescue and has checked the translation of Sanskrit shlokas which occur in the book. As I am not a Sanskrit scholar, his help has been to me a sort of an assurance that I have not bungled badly in dealing with the material which is in Sanskrit. The fact that he has helped me does not mean that he is responsible for such faults and errors as may be discovered by my critics. Thanks are also due to Prof. Manohar Chitnis of the Siddharth College, Bombay, who has been good enough to prepare the Index.
    I am grateful to Messrs. Charles Scribner's Sons Publishers, New York for their kind permission to reproduce the three maps from Mr. Madison Grant's Passing of the Great Race and which form Appendices II, III and IV of this book.
    10th October 1946                                                   
    BOMBAY 14.
                                                                                                           Part I

    [f1]1 Vol. I, Introduction, P. xxi.

    Mandal Commission

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    The Mandal Commission was established in India in 1979 by the Janata Party government under Prime Minister Morarji Desai with a mandate to "identify the socially or educationally backward."[1] It was headed by Indian parliamentarian Bindheshwari Prasad Mandal to consider the question of seat reservations and quotas for people to redress caste discrimination, and used eleven social, economic, and educational indicators to determine backwardness. In 1980, the commission's report affirmed the affirmative action practice under Indian law whereby members of lower castes (known as Other Backward Classes (OBC) and Scheduled Castes and Tribes) were given exclusive access to a certain portion of government jobs and slots in public universities, and recommended changes to these quotas, increasing them by 27% to 49.5%.

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