Class Caste Relations – Marxist Approach: Ananta Acharya. The Democratic Action Forum of Dalits, Women and Minorities (DAFODWAM), formed on 14th April ...
Indian Communist Movement is hijacked by the Brahaminical Hegemony and the fact remains that the Communist, Marxist, Maoist and Socialist Parties and Trade Unions are the Integral Parts and Parcels of the Zionist Corporate Imperialist Manusmriti Apartheid Hegemony. It is interesting that some Marxist thinkers are indulged in a process to address the Problems of CLASS CASTE Relations.DR BR Ambedkar with his Economist Approach has addressed thsi Problem most scietifically. But the Marxists led by Brahamins hitherto denied the existence of the problem itself and denied to recognise DR BR Ambedkar and Ambedkaratie ideology. Annihilition of Caste has NEVER been in the Agenda of Indian Communist, Marxist, Maoist or Socialist Movement. An intellectual like Arundhuti Roy herself a Malyali Brahamin defies Ambedkar and defends Brahaminism. Arundhuti`s Social Activism and her involvement in the defence of Aborigine Indigenous Mulnivasi Bahujan Humanscape are the well known facts. But Arundhuti says that Brahaminism is not the Enemy as described by DR BR AMBEDKAR! It is Astonishing departure from her known stance favouring the Excluded communities. Hence,DAFODWAM phenomenon has to be taken rather seriously!As DAFODWAM thinks that India is a de facto upper caste Hindu state and Brahmanism derived from Manu Sanghita is still the guiding philosophy of Indian rulling classes. Untill the abolition of caste system and discrimination based on gender and religious community there is no chance of victory of class struggle, in whatever form. And this book will help those people who are trying to build up a real democratic India free from caste discrimination and caste division.
It is quite a credible fact that the Organisation claims NOT to be a NGO fed by Government or Foreign fund! As we see tthat most of the organisations with similar agenda, thounsands of them, are NGOs DIVERTING the Indian Liberation Movment!
We Must carefully listen what Arundhuti say about the Fight for liberation. It is very important to understand the relevance of DAFODWAM!In reference to:
CLASS CASTE RELATIONS-MARXIST APPROACH,first english publication of DAFODWAM[DEMOCRATIC ACTION FORUM OF DALITS, WOMEN AND MINORITIES] is just published..available at world view[jadabpur university campus], book mark, new horizon book trust, book stalls near bbd bag telephone bhaban... For more call 9331858854... firstname.lastname@example.org.... DAFODWAM-30-2 NP RD ..KOLKATA-55
Class Caste RelationsMarxist Approach
a DAFODWAM Presentation.
(Democratic Action Forum Of Dalits, Women And Minorites)
DAFODWAM thinks that India is a de facto upper caste Hindu state and Brahmanism derived from Manu Sanghita is still the guiding philosophy of Indian rulling classes. Untill the abolition of caste system and discrimination based on gender and religious community there is no chance of victory of class struggle, in whatever form. And this book will help those people who are trying to build up a real democratic India free from caste discrimination and caste division!
|Description|| DAFODWAM: |
Aims & programs of DAFODWAM ( Democratic Action Forum of Dalits,Women and Minorities) are embodied in tis name itself.Here Dalits mean SCs,STs & OBCs.DAFODWAM is not a frontal organization of any political party,but its is very much well aware of social & political incidents of the country.Financially it is dependent on c-thinkers,not on any Goverement fund,or its not anything like an NGO
The Marxists Fail to Address the Problem of Caste System oriented Discrimination and Exclusion just because they are led by Brahamins who happen to be Committed to Sustain Manusmriti Rule! While the Maoists Kicked out Revolutionary Gaddar as He is Dalit!
Maoists Kicked out Revolutionary Gaddar as He is Dalit!Gaddar had been demanding to address the Problem of Brahaminical System and the caste Phenomenon. And Now, it is in andhra,ahead of the crucial state general council meeting, a serious debate is going on in the CPM party circles as to why a leader from backward and Dalit sections has never been made the party chief. While Marx saw caste as the decisive impediment to India’s power and progress, they (Indian Marxists) took caste as a matter of superstructure... Caste being a production relation does not belong to the superstructure, but to the socio-economic base. The biggest theoretical failure of Indian Marxists has been their refusal to recognise caste as part of the substructure of the society.Here one has to distinguish between caste as an institution of permanent division of means of production and profession and caste as an attitude of untouchability and discrimination. Caste contains both these aspects, the former belonging to the base and the latter to the superstructure.
Dr BR Ambedkar had clarified that the Marxist ideology was hijacked by the Brahamins.Dr. Ambedkar’s analysis and formulations on the ruling classes, Congress and Gandhism were quite different from the official Ambedkarite perceptions. Moreover, "his evaluation about the western parliamentary system and approving references to the Paris Commune and the soviet system exploded all theories that Ambedkar was anti-communist". Ambedkar`s SARVHARA was the Mulnivasi Bahujan whose identity is still denied by the Brahamin communists.In his conflict with Gandhi, Ambedkar undoubtedly emerged as the foremost exponent of a radical socio-economic programme in the freedom struggle.From Harijans to dalits — there lies the whole course of transformation in the self-perception of untouchables and none but Ambedkar had been the moving spirit behind this transformation. He was perhaps the first dalit leader, who combined with a fair degree of success the social awakening of dalits with their political assertion.The Marxists and Maoists did never recognise the fact.
Cautioning supporters against the “growing influence of identity politics in India,” Communist Party of India (Marxist) general secretary Prakash Karat said in Kolkata on Tuesday that the Left must meet the challenge. Ahead of the elections to the Uttar Pradesh Assembly, Mr. Karat pointed out that 20 years ago the phenomenon of “Other Backward Classes (OBC) mobilisation” had been witnessed there, but had now fragmented into a dozen different groups. “When I used to go to U.P. 20 years ago there used to be what is generally called the Other Backward Classes (OBC) mobilisation. Today that does not exist. That OBC has been broken up into another dozen sub-castes and a dozen political parties have sprung up, representing each caste or sub-caste,” he said.
Mr. Karat said that this brand of politics, which is dividing people along the lines of caste, community, religion or ethnic identities, is an instrument to fight the Left movement in India as it was being used to break up the class-based movements, to divide the class solidarity of people who face common forms of exploitation. “To fall into the trap of believing that identity politics is a movement of only the oppressed sections, small minority groups and oppressed people and, therefore, is a progressive phenomenon, and it would be falling into the very trap set by imperialism and the ruling classes. We have to patiently counter identity politics,” he said. “Identity politics can only be effectively countered when we take up those genuine issues of oppression that is faced by those sections,' he added. Speaking on the “Challenges of the times and the task before the Left” at a seminar organised during the North 24 Parganas district conference of the CPI(M), Mr. Karat outlined the problems being faced by the country.
Criticising the neo-liberal policies being promoted by the Centre, Mr. Karat said they had led to new kinds of exploitation of the working classes and peasants. He emphasised the need to organise workers in the unorganised sector in order “to build a powerful worker-peasant alliance.” He also warned about the growing influence of imperialist forces on India's foreign policy, which in turn is also affecting our domestic policies. Citing the example of the introduction of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in the retail sector, Mr. Karat said that the Left had managed to stall the move that would affect the livelihood of lakhs of people, but the UPA government was determined to go ahead with the decision. “Again they [the UPA government] have said, once the Assembly elections are over, we will implement it. Everyone else is opposed to it; the people in this country are opposed to it, but why do they want to bring it? Because the United States of America has said that you have to do it,” he said. The Left will have to mobilise the people on a large scale against this pro-imperialist foreign policy, which will also have a direct impact on the domestic policies and livelihood of the people.
Marx talked about those labour relations. He talked about ‘exploitation of labour’ that has been taking place since hundreds and thousands of yeas in the arena of labour relations. He discussed various kinds of problems that arise due to exploitation of labour. He indicated the solution to those problems. Therefore, it is our responsibility to understand our problems. First, we have to ascertain whether exploitation of labour is present in India. We also have to ascertain whether the caste question comes under the sphere of labour relations. If we ascertain that there is a connection between castes and labour, then we can undoubtedly arrive at the conclusion that Marx’s theory applies to India also. Any problem connected with human society is intertwined with labour relations. Since caste question is connected with human beings, it also comes under the purview of the theory that talks about labour relations.
In the aftermath of the global financial crisis, the talk of “the death of socialism” has ceased and instead an alternative to capitalism is being sought, Communist Party of India (Marxist) general secretary Prakash Karat said Tuesday, adding that socialism in the 21st century will have to take a different form. “In the world today, no more is there a talk about the death of socialism and Marxism. In fact, what is in the dock today is the future of capitalism,” Mr. Karat said emphatically adding that the only alternative to capitalism is socialism. Confident that “out of this prolonged capitalist crisis, new contradictions will develop,” Mr. Karat said that there was a tremendous “scope for developing a revolutionary movement” in this period utilising all the contradictions between the interests of the ruling classes and the working classes that will emerge. Mr. Karat, who is in town to attend the crucial session of the party's Central Committee which is likely to finalise the draft ideological resolution, was speaking at a seminar on the “Challenges of the times and the role of the Left” during the North 24 Parganas district conference of the CPI(M).
Citing success stories in Latin America, Mr. Karat said that Venezuela was leading the way in the “re-nationalisation” of certain sectors, including power, telecom and oil and natural gas. Similarly, Bolivia had witnessed the reallocation of one crore acres of land in land reforms. “We have to go through different phases of developing socialism,” Mr. Karat said. However, he said that after the experiences of socialism in the 20 century, corrections would have to be made such as the inclusion of a role of the market within a planned economy. “There will be central planning, but market will not be eliminated. The market will be utilised, incorporated within the central planning. Because without the market we cannot get correct indicators in a modern economy of how much is to be produced, what is to be produced and how can you price that product,” Mr. Karat said.
Mr. Karat said that countries such as China, Vietnam and Cuba have already adopted the market within a planned economy. India has been witness to a great social turmoil in recent years where the twin entities of caste and religion have played a major catalytic role. It all came to the fore after VP Singh-led Janata Dal government decided to implement the Mandal Commission recommendations on reservation of jobs to Other Backward Classes in 1990. Although Janata Dal came to power on a plank of anti-Congressism with a tacit support from BJP, the alliance soon ran into rough weather. And interestingly, the two became protagonists of two major socio-political movements in contemporary history of India. Pitted against each other, the movements were popularly known as Mandal and Mandir movements. Janata Dal, in the beginning, enjoyed a much larger support base in its crusade against corruption (Bofors). Its championing of Mandal to the exclusion of everything else, however, vastly eroded its support base and led to a whole chain of political crisis which eventually reduced it to a marginal force in Indian politics.
Mandal, if one were to believe the rhetoric of VP Singh and his cohorts, would usher in an unparalleled social revolution in India against the forces of statusquoism and obscurantism, the forces who were politically represented by Congress(I) and BJP. In an ironic twist of history, Mandal recommendations were implemented by Congress(I) government taking, in the process, much wind out of the Janata Dal sails. The crusader in VP Singh dies hard and now it is reduced to the ridiculous demand of a dalit President or a backward Prime Minister, irrespective of his/her ideological-political predilection. Then there is the gimmick of staying away from Delhi till a backward gets employment on the basis of reservation quota. The revolution thus has degenerated into cosmetic reforms and the movement into tokenism. As regards reservation proper Janata Dal is now left with the options of opposing the creamy layer verdict and to pressurise for 10 per cent reservation quota for upper castes on economic criterion — a promise that V P Singh made to diffuse the anti-Mandal agitation. Neither of the options, however, can be pursued with any zeal for obvious reasons.
Political eclipse of Mr.VP Singh and his Janata Dal signalled the rise of Mulayam Singh and Kanshi Ram. Mulayam Singh claims himself to be the natural representative of backwards as compared to VP Singh, the outsider, and invoking Lohia he has couched his politics in a socialist phraseology with a greater force of inheritance and sincerity of purpose. Kanshi Ram, the rising star of dalit politics, on the other hand, invokes the legacy of Ambedkar. Armed with a radical dalit posture and anti-communist phobia he seems to be desperate to outsmart Ambedkar himself. These dramatic events have exerted tremendous impact on Indian left and communist movement. While Mandal greatly eroded the communist base among backward peasantry in states like Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, BSP virtually swept away the traditional dalit support of left parties in Uttar Pradesh. Under the circumstances a polemics has surfaced within the left and communist circles that calls for a new approach to the caste phenomenon in Indian society and, particularly in the backdrop of soviet debacle, to redefine the "orthodox" concept of class. Recent desertion of first-ranking leaders of CPI to Samajwadi Party in Uttar Pradesh, PWG Naxalites swelling the ranks of BSP in Andhra Pradesh and defection of some IPF MLAs to Janata Dal in Bihar bring out the gravity and the complexity of the situation.
ANNIHILATION OF CASTE
A REPLY TO MAHATMA GANDHI
"Know Truth as Truth and Untruth as Untruth "
"He that WILL NOT reason is a bigot He that CANNOT reason is a fool He that DARE NOT reason is a slave " H. drummond
Printed from the third edition of 1944