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Sunday, 11 December 2011

NUCLEAR ISSUES Limiting liability

http://www.frontlineonnet.com/stories/20111216282504100.htm
Frontline
Volume 28 - Issue 25 :: Dec. 03-16, 2011INDIA'S NATIONAL MAGAZINE
from the publishers of THE HINDU
NUCLEAR ISSUES

Limiting liability
R. RAMACHANDRAN
The Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage Act (2010) comes into force with the notification of the attendant rules for its implementation.
V.V. KRISHNAN 

A VIEW OF the Tarapur Atomic Power Station. It is not clear as yet if suppliers will accept the apparent relief from indefinite liability that the rules have now given them and begin to do business with NPCIL.
THE rules for implementing the Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage Act (2010), which were being awaited for long, particularly by foreign nuclear goods suppliers, were notified on November 11 and made public on November 16. In effect, therefore, the Act came into force as of November 11. The concern of the suppliers related chiefly to Section 17(b) of the Act, which provides for ‘right of recourse' to the nuclear power plant (NPP) operator to move against any supplier of “equipment or material with patent or latent defects or sub-standard devices” if that was determined to be the cause for a nuclear incident and render the supplier liable for nuclear damage (see box).
The right of recourse can be exercised by the operator after paying the compensation for nuclear damage in accordance with Section 6 of the Act so that the affected public is compensated for the damage, including loss of life or property, immediately after the incident. The provision 17(b), however, flies in the face of the standard international practice for nuclear liability which indemnifies the supplier entirely and makes the operator strictly and absolutely liable for the incident or accident irrespective of the cause. The international liability regime that is currently being followed by most of the 30 NPP operating countries, either through international conventions or through domestic laws, do provide for ‘right of recourse' which, however, is much more limited in scope than what the Indian Act seeks to provide.
The international regime promoted by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), called the Convention on Supplementary Compensation (CSC) (which is yet to come into force and which India has signed and is planning to ratify soon), requires that the domestic nuclear liability law of a country that is not a party to the Paris Convention of 1960 or the Vienna Convention of 1977 should be consistent with certain provisions laid down in the Annex of the CSC, which include operator's ‘right of recourse' (Article 10). But this provides for ‘right of recourse' (see I in box) and channelling liability to the supplier only in cases when it is “expressly provided for in the [operator-supplier commercial] contract” or “if the nuclear incident results from an act or omission done with the intent to cause damage”.
However, the Indian Act goes beyond these by providing for Section 17(b), mentioned above, in addition to Sections 17(a & c), which are in accordance with Article 10 of the CSC Annex (see II in box). Thus, the Indian Act would seem to be not consistent with the international liability regime. However, the CSC (Article XVIII) only requires that while submitting the instruments of ratification, a signatory country has only to declare that its domestic law is consistent with the provisions of the CSC Annex. Only when some party to the convention raises the issue of the Indian Act being inconsistent with the international liability regimes will the IAEA take cognisance of that aspect and set forth measures to resolve it.
Potential supplier countries to India – the United States, France and Russia – have voiced their dissent to this contentious ‘right of recourse' provision in the Indian Act at different times. One of the issues has been the period of applicability of the controversial Section 17(b). Operators have contended that a supplier of equipment or component cannot be held liable under the conditions of 17(b) throughout the lifetime of the reactor during which period many modifications to the NPP – both hardware and software – could be made. And that is why potential suppliers have been keenly awaiting the announcement of rules to operationalise the Act.
Besides 17(b), the other provision in the Act that the suppliers are wary of is Section 46, which allows for tort cases based on other domestic laws to be moved against the operator in addition to the damages that the operator has to bear under the Liability Act. In principle, the proceedings of such a case can bring the supplier of equipment too under its ambit if the operator contends that defective equipment was the cause of the nuclear incident.
Obviously, rules framed to implement an Act have to be in conformity with the provisions of the Act. One thing the nuclear liability rules cannot, therefore, do is to resolve the Act's contradiction with the CSC Annex. So the issue of India's admission to the CSC will depend on how the IAEA will address the issue if the matter is brought up before it by any party. But, notwithstanding the commitment given by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to President Barack Obama in November 2010, India can choose not to ratify the CSC and yet seek to do nuclear commerce globally. This should be possible given that nuclear supplier countries have been doing business with countries that have not even signed the CSC or are parties to other international conventions. Indeed, only the U.S. has insisted on India ratifying the CSC ( Frontline, December 3, 2010), while France and Russia have only required in their bilateral agreements with India that the Indian law should conform to international standards. The only issue would be if aspects of liability governed by the Indian domestic law are acceptable to them as meeting international norms.
The Act does not specify any extinction period for the ‘right of recourse' provision under its Section 17 (see II in box). It is open-ended and would seem to be applicable for the whole lifetime of the NPP or the equipment in question, and for an unspecified extent of liability. In fact, this was the perception of people who argued for and succeeded in the inclusion of 17(b) in the Act.
But the rules that have now been announced change that. They cap both the time period for which the operator can exercise the right of recourse and the extent of financial liability of the supplier (see III in box). Firstly, the rules require that the operator shall include such a right of recourse provision in the commercial contract (emphasis added). Since, in case of a nuclear incident, the extent of the operator's liability is, vide Section 6(2) of the Act, Rs.1,500 crore, Rule 24(1) requires that the liability channelled to the supplier cannot be less than the lesser of the operator's liability (Rs.1,500 crore) and the value of the contract. That is, if the value of the contract is more than Rs.1,500 crore, the extent of the supplier's liability will be at least Rs.1,500 crore. But if the value of the contract is less than Rs.1,500 crore, the supplier's exposure will only be equal to the value of the contract.
As for the cap on the time period for right of course, it would be either the initial licence period issued by the Atomic Energy Regulatory Board (AERB) under the Atomic Energy (Radiation Protection) Rules (2004) or the product liability period, whichever is longer. The italicised phrases, however, need explanation. Rule 9 of the Radiation Protection Rules (2004) specifies the period of validity of the licence issued for a nuclear reactor thus: “Every licence issued shall, unless otherwise specified, be valid for a period of five years from the date of issue of such licence” (emphasis added).
From the above, it is clear that, in principle, the licence period can be anything less than or more than five years. But, if unspecified, it will be five years by default. Indeed, it has been a codified practice of the AERB that the initial ‘operating' licence is for a five-year period. At the end of five years, a review of all aspects of the power plant operation is done and licence is renewed for another five-year period. At the end of 10 years, an elaborate and comprehensive review of the working of the plant is carried out before a renewal of licence for another five years.
But starting the operation of a nuclear reactor does not happen with the press of a button or the single throw of a switch. The commissioning of an NPP is a long-drawn process (which is completed over several months). It goes through the following distinct phases, each of them involving elaborate tests and simulations under the supervision of AERB and other experts. The operator, Nuclear Power Corporation of India Ltd (NPCIL), is given due authorisation or consent, which is equivalent to a licence though not termed so, for each one of these phases. These are for much shorter durations, varying from a month to six months or even more.
After the full loading of the fuel, authorisation for starting Phase A operations is given. This involves initiation of fission and gradual ‘approach to criticality'. Once criticality is achieved, the AERB gives its authorisation for Phase B, which involves operation of the NPP in low power over a length of time when various nuclear physics checks and safety checks are performed in the presence of experts. After satisfactory low power operation, yet another authorisation (Phase C) is given for gradually increasing the reactor's output to full power. Its performance, in particular its stability, is observed for 100 full power reactor days. Only after this the actual licence for commercial operation, including grid connectivity, is given, and this constitutes the initial operating licence with a validity of five years. Build-up of radioactivity begins once fission is initiated (Phase A), and there is the likelihood of a nuclear incident involving radioactivity during all the three phases of testing. While the operator's liability is clear in all of them, how will the operator's right to recourse clause be interpreted as the different stages of authorisations are for different and shorter durations?
From the perspective of liability and in the wake of the new rules for the operator's right of recourse, the AERB, according to reliable Department of Atomic Energy (DAE) sources, is now seized of this ambiguity in the licensing process and will evolve a new definition for initial operating licence that will include the initial start-up process as well. Any future operating licence that will be issued to NPCIL will be in accordance with the amended operating licence definition. Given that the progress to commissioning can even take up to six months, effectively, the period for the operator's right of recourse should technically be five years plus that initial build-up period.
The other phrase that needs similar elaboration is ‘product liability', a term akin to ‘warranty period' but something more than that. The Liability Rules define ‘product liability period' as the “period for which the supplier has undertaken liability for patent or latent defects or sub-standard services under a contract”. Thus this part of the rule actually has relevance to the controversial Section 17(b) of the Act and the product liability period refers to that of the product implicated, or sought to be implicated, in an incident though the announced rules do not explicitly include any clause for implementing 17(b) itself. The document on ‘General Conditions of Contract (GCC) for Supply of Indigenous Stores' of NPCIL specifies the ‘product liability period'. It must be pointed out that this document is specific only to indigenous suppliers because NPCIL has hitherto not dealt directly with foreign suppliers of products and equipment.
‘Patent defect' refers to a defect that is manifest or recognisable on inspection of the product, and there is a corresponding ‘patent defect liability period'. Under the NPCIL contract conditions, this is 12 months from the date of acceptance of the product or 18 months from the date of its receipt at the site, whichever is earlier. ‘Latent defect', on the other hand, means a defect within the material or arising out of design deficiency, which does not manifest itself and/or was not reasonably discoverable during the ‘patent defect liability period'. The supplier's ‘latent defect liability period', according to the GCC, is “limited to a period of five years from the end of ‘patent defect liability period' of the respective plant and equipment including spares”. In effect, therefore, the ‘product liability period', under NPCIL's terms, will be the sum of these two periods and is, therefore, six and a half years from the date of arrival of the product at the site or six years from the date of its acceptance.
From the perspective of nuclear liability during a nuclear incident, this would seem to be irrelevant as regards most products. This is because the clock starts ticking from the time they arrive on the site. Given that the NPP construction period itself can take up to five years or more, the product liability period for most products will expire before the initial operating licence period begins. That is, if a particular product is identified to be the single causative agent for a nuclear incident – which would rarely be the case because a nuclear incident is usually is a combination of several products and operating conditions – the liability period for that product (and hence for the supplier) would in nearly all cases have expired by then unless the incident occurs during the testing phases unless, of course, a product or component is changed before the expiry of the initial licence period. In such a case, the product liability period can extend beyond the initial licence period and, therefore, would have some relevance if it is involved in any incident.
One of the curious things in the ongoing debates on channelling of nuclear liability to suppliers, which should affect Indian suppliers as well, was the inexplicable silence of Indian suppliers on the issue as compared with their foreign counterparts. But Section 6.7 of the GCC, which provides for ‘Indemnity against Loss/Damage', gives an explanation for this. Subsection 6.7.7 states: “The Purchaser [NPCIL] shall indemnify and hold harmless the Contractor [supplier] in respect of Third Party life and Property damage claims arising out of nuclear event at Purchaser's Site.” This implies that in contracts with domestic suppliers, NPCIL has hitherto provided indemnity to them in case of an event at an NPP. That is, the GCC followed by NPCIL all along has been consistent with strict and absolute liability of the operator.
In fact, the GCC provides for this indemnity to the supplier even in cases of tort proceedings against the operator under other laws unless the contract explicitly provides for it. Section 9.1(a) of the GCC says: “Except in cases of criminal negligence or wilful misconduct, the Contractor shall not be liable to the Purchaser, whether in contract, tort, or otherwise, for any indirect or consequential loss or damage, loss of use, loss of production, or loss of profits or interest costs, provided that this exclusion shall not apply to any obligation of the Contractor to pay liquidated damages and/or any other penalties/recovery etc. specifically provided for in the Contract, to the Purchaser.” This again would seem to be consistent with the prevalent international norms for right of recourse. In the wake of the Liability Act and the attendant rules, it remains to be seen whether NPCIL chooses to amend these provisions under the GCC for domestic suppliers.
But, more pertinently, what will be the nature of the GCC that NPCIL would draw up for future contracts that it is likely to enter into directly with foreign suppliers? Will such a differential dispensation in commercial contracts with domestic and foreign suppliers be acceptable to the latter?
In queries to the different potential nuclear suppliers to India, such as Areva, GE and Westinghouse, all of them have said that they are still studying the rules and do not wish to make any comments. While the opposition parties have expressed their strong opposition to the rules by saying that the government has succumbed to suppliers' pressures, it is not clear as yet if these suppliers will accept the apparent relief from indefinite liability that the rules have now given them and begin to do business with NPCIL. If they do, the obvious impact of the rules is that there will be loading of cost of insuring for an amount equal to the extent of liability that the supplier is now exposed to for the initial five-year period, thus increasing project costs.
As for Parliament's assent to the rules, according to Section 48 of the Act, the rules made will remain before both Houses of Parliament, while in session, for a total period of 30 days which may be comprised in one session or in two or more successive sessions. For any amendment recommended by Parliament to become effective, both Houses will have to agree to the change(s). The winter session for the year will last for a month from November 22 to December 21. With the opposition having already publicly voiced their dissent to the rules, the issue is bound to occupy a substantial fraction of the session period with acrimonious debates.
 

MP Navjot Sidhu creates scene at toll plaza

MP Navjot Sidhu creates scene at toll plaza
 
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/sports/off-the-field/MP-Navjot-Sidhu-creates-scene-at-toll-plaza/articleshow/11013391.cms?prtpage=1
 
 
Navjot Singh Sidhu's gunman attacks guard at AP toll plaza

NELLORE: Maverick BJP MP and former Test cricketer Navjot Singh Sidhu allegedly pushed a security guard at a toll plaza on Tuesday and forcibly took him away in his vehicle leading to protests from the guard's family and villagers who demanded action against the MP. Sidhu was on a tour of Nellore. 

It all began when the guard, Chenchu Ramaiah, allegedly hurled a stick at Sidhu's car which whizzed past the Venkatachalam toll plaza at Tallampadu village in Doravarisatram mandal without showing any ID proof or payment of toll fee. This led to a crack in the windshield. An enraged Sidhu came back to the plaza, overpowered Ramaiah and another guard and bundled them into his vehicle! 

Plaza manager Lionel intervened and tried to pacify Sidhu. But an unrelenting Sidhu pushed him aside and sped away; shocked by the development, the staff at the plaza shouted for help. Soon, locals gathered and ran after the MP's car. 

Sidhu's car meanwhile zoomed towards Nellore where the MP was invited to attend a programme of Swarna Bharathi Trust, owned by senior BJP leader M Venkaiah Naidu. 

On receiving information, Gudur police rushed to the trust office and rescued the two security guards. Sidhu, however, had a heated argument with the policemen and asked them to register a case against the plaza staff for attacking him and his vehicle. 

Senior police officers assured that they would take action after conducting an inquiry into the episode. Sources said police did not register a case against anybody following a request by Naidu. 

Sidhu did not stop there, though. After attending the programme, he again reached the Venkatachalam toll plaza on his way to Tirumala in the evening where he found two lorries carrying a large number of cattle. 

Sidhu jumped off his car and sat on a dharna on the national highway. He wanted the cops to take action against those involved in transporting the cattle to the slaughterhouse. 

Meanwhile, sources said that hundreds of locals also gathered at the plaza and picked up a heated argument with Sidhu over his actions earlier in the day. As the melee continued, police rushed to the spot and tried to pacify the agitated MP. An hour later, Naidu, who was travelling to Chennai, also reached the plaza and tried to calm him down. 

After failing to convince Sidhu, Naidu urged district SP Ramana Kumar to immediately send a team of senior officers to counsel Sidhu. Gudur DSP Suresh Kumar and inspector Srinivasula Reddy reached the spot and seized the lorries carrying the cattle. The SP also spoke to Sidhu and promised action against the cattle transporters under relevant Acts. 

It was only then that Sidhu relented and left for Tirumala around 6 pm. Kumar told TOI that no case has been registered against Sidhu or the plaza staff. The writer has posted comments on this articleTNN | Dec 7, 2011, 02.50AM IST

So-called United Nations ``Human Rights Day``

So-called United Nations ``Human Rights Day`` 
Posted: 2011/12/08
From: Mathaba
  
The True Human Rights Day is June 12th, because the Great Green Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms in the Era of the Masses was proclaimed for the first time democratically by millions of people gathered in people's conferences, on June 12th, 1988, and followed by the International Green Charter issued on June 12th, 1999.

HeyU Quality Ads 
by Stephen Lendman

A commonly accepted definition calls human rights basic freedoms "to which all humans are entitled, often held to include the right to life and liberty, freedom of thought and expression, and equality before the law."

The UN said "(o)n Human Rights Day 2011, we pay tribute to all human rights defenders and ask you to get involved in the global human rights movement."

On December 9, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay will host a live online Facebook/Twitter/Weibo (Chinese) global conversation from 9:30AM - 10:30AM EST to answer questions participants ask. They're your rights, she says. "Know them, demand them, defend them."

December 10 commemorates the day General Assembly members adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) in 1948.

World leaders pledged to "complement the UN Charter with a road map to guarantee the rights of every individual everywhere."

As a result, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was discussed at the General Assembly's first session in 1946. It submitted the UNHR to the Economic and Social Council "for reference to the Commission on Human Rights for consideration....in its preparation of an international bill of rights."

Eleanor Roosevelt chaired the UDHR drafting committee. Seventeen other political, cultural and religious figures joined her. She perhaps was its driving force.

In September 1948, its first draft was completed. Over 50 member states participated in its final drafting. On December 10, 1948, UN Resolution 217 A (III) adopted UNHR. No members dissented. Eight abstained. Despite emerging Cold War tensions, common ground was found.

UNHR's 30 articles pledged "to promote respect for (fundamental human) rights and freedoms....both among the peoples of Member States themselves and among the peoples of territories under their jurisdiction."

It affirmed life, liberty, security and dignity. Said no one should be held in bondage or subjected to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment. It scorned arbitrary arrests, detention, exile, and other human rights violations.

It said everyone may leave any country and return freely. It deplored discrimination of any kind. It championed free expression, assembly, movement, thought, opinion and religion.

It said everyone has the right to work and receive equal pay for equal employment. It supported essential rights to healthcare, food, clothing, housing, and education.

It said "(n)othing in this Declaration may be interpreted as implying for the State, group or person any right to engage in any activity or to perform any act aimed at the destruction of any of the rights and freedoms set forth herein."

World War II atrocities inspired it. The UN Charter's Preamble vowed: 

• "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war...."

• "to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights...."

• to assure justice and international law is respected, and

• "to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom...."

Since founded in 1945, the world body failed dismally on all counts, despite modest successes in areas of health, education, food assistance, refugees, and more.

Hamstrung by America and its imperial partners, international law was trashed, permanent global wars rage, and human rights and democratic values became meaningless figures of speech.

Israel's Deplorable Human Rights Record

On December 6, a Haaretz editorial headlined, "Human rights in Israel are in jeopardy," saying:

"Israel ratified the Universal Declaration of Human Rights," but never observed them.

Israel's Knesset commemorates Human Rights Day on December 6. "However, it is hard to say the Knesset members are bound to it or to its spirit and principles, most of which are reflected in the founding document of the State of Israel - the Declaration of Independence."

In its newly released 2011 human and civil rights report, the Association for Civil Rights in Israel revealed alarming violations. They include infringements on free expression, assembly, movement, political activity, and religion.

They show protests aren't tolerated, women are politically, economically and social marginalized, discrimination is worse than ever, social rights are fast eroding, democratic values barely exist, and Occupied Palestinians face daily state terror.

"It is hard to believe (Israel) lurk(s) at the threshold of" destroying a free society entirely.

In its 2011 human rights report on Israel, Amnesty International (AI) condemned its systematic violations. Those listed include judicial unfairness, administrative detentions without charge, besieged Gaza, home demolitions, illegal settlements, torture and excessive use of force, free movement, speech and assembly restrictions, collective punishment of an entire population, and prosecution and imprisonment of refuseniks against militarism and occupation.

Daily headlines offer more proof. Past and present IDF commanders support violence in all forms. So do Netanyahu and dominant Knesset members.

Israeli Arabs wonder what's next. So do Jews. Many vote with their feet and leave. Others took steps to follow, and still more consider going because of deteriorating social conditions, extremist governance, and constant threats of war.

Palestinians are especially endangered. Israeli incursions terrorize communities regularly. Peaceful protests are confronted violently. Gazans are bombed and invaded. Soldiers shoot children too close to Israel's border. Others are arrested and imprisoned.

Torture is official policy. So are targeted assassinations, illegal settlements, home demolitions, land theft, dispossessions, mass arrests and imprisonment, state terror, occupation, persecution, and loss of all rights. 

Jews are at risk like Arabs if they resist. Challenging state policy leaves no one safe. Police state justice rules. Democracy is a figure of speech. It's fast disappearing entirely.

America's Deplorable Human Rights Record

Notably under Bush and Obama, America's human rights record is scandalous. 

Perhaps George Bernard had them in mind when he said:

"Democracy is a form of government that substitutes election by the incompetent many for the appointment of the corrupt few.”

Obama especially upheld the tradition and then some. He's done what supporters thought impossible. He's governed to the right of George Bush domestically and abroad.

He looted the nation's wealth, wrecked the economy, and consigned growing millions to impoverishment without jobs, homes, savings, social services, or futures.

His weapon of choice is war. He's waging them globally on humanity and threatening more, perhaps with nuclear weapons. He deployed Special Forces death squads in over 120 countries. 

He presides over the world's largest gulag. He claims the right to detain US citizens indefinitely without charge. He believes democratic values are impediments to world dominance.

He's heading America rapidly toward tyranny. He continued the worst Bush policies and added others. He uses repressive homeland police state tactics against enemies.

He targets Muslims, Latino immigrants, dissenters, whistleblowers, social justice/anti-war advocates, and environmental and animal rights called terrorists. He authorized killing US citizens abroad based on unproved suspicions of terrorism.

He spies more aggressively domestically than George Bush. He's destroying public education and hard won labor rights. He's eroding Medicare, Medicaid, Social Security, public pensions, and living wage security in decent jobs.

He supports wealth and power at the expense of growing needs. He impoverished a third of US households. He's destroying middle class society. 

He trashed constitutional and international laws to reign terror globally. He made America universally feared and hated. He turned it into an armed camp. He made it unfit to live in socially, economically and politically.

He's risking global war for wealth, power, and unchallenged dominance. He created crisis conditions threatening humanity's survival. He reserved the right to use America's superweapons preemptively to do it. There's no place to hide or be safe.

Challenging Rogue State Dominance

Post-WW II, what human rights supporters envisioned lies in ruins. OWS supporters say "the only solution is world revolution." They represent a cross-pollination for a new nation.

They're grassroots activists for change. They want social justice replacing today's dysfunctional system. They want government of, by and for everyone. They know getting it comes bottom up, not top down. 

They understand struggles this vital are too important to lose. This one's the mother of them all. They know change won't come easily or quickly.

They want others joining them for what everyone deserves. New Hampshire's state motto is "Live free or die." Resisting tyranny is a universal right. Jefferson called it "obedience to God."

John Locke said when government fails its people, its "trust must necessarily be forfeited, and the Power devolve into the hands of those that gave it, who may place it anew where they shall think best for their safety and security."

Henry David Thoreau "Civil Disobedience" essay said:

"Must the citizen ever for a moment, or in the least degree resign his conscience to the legislator?"

"The only obligation which I have a right to assume is to do at any time what I think right."

"All men recognize the right of revolution; that is, the right to refuse allegiance to, and to resist, the government, when its tyranny or its inefficiency are great and unendurable."

Essayist Ralph Waldo Emerson, Martin Luther King, and others believed unjust governance should be resisted.

So did Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence, saying people have a "right" and "duty to throw" them off, "and to provide new Guards for their future security."

People have enormous power to use. Saul Alinsky said, "The only way to beat organized money is with organized people." 

The time is now. Goal one is going for it to assure future Human Rights Days have meaning.

Stephen Lendman lives in Chicago and can be reached atlendmanstephen@sbcglobal.net

Who will rule Egypt?

http://www.asharq-e.com/news.asp?section=2&id=27626

Who will rule Egypt?

09/12/2011 
By Adel Al Toraifi

Late Egyptian President Anwar Sadat once said to Dr. Ali al-Samman: "Whoever rules Egypt, regardless of who he is, will be Egypt's pharaoh. The gulf between him and those that come after him, in terms of significance and responsibility, will be enormous. Thus there is no fear or danger in appointing large numbers of leaders and officials." (Awraq Umri, published by al-Maktab al-Misri al-Hadith, 2005). Sadat's quote was an honest evaluation of the state of rule in Egypt over the past decades. It was mainly characterized by the existence of powerful rulers - or pharaohs - with absolute powers to govern the country. However, during the 25 January revolution, this concept was challenged. Former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak was forced to step down under pressure from the military. Even though Mubarak had ruled Egypt as a - moderate - pharaoh for three decades, the way in which he was compelled to relinquish power raises important questions about the future of governance in one of the region's major countries, and one of its most significant states both strategically and demographically. 
At the end of last week, the results of the first phase of the Egyptian parliamentary elections were announced. Islamist parties such as the Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafists won over 64 percent of the registered votes. A number of observers anticipate that the Islamist parties’ proportion of the vote will continue to rise in the second and third rounds, thereby increasing their total score to over 70 percent of seats in Egypt’s People’s Assembly and Shura Council. In the face of this dramatic change, let us re-pose the question that a British magazine asked in the spring of 1906: Who rules Egypt? Or to be more precise: Who will rule Egypt after Mubarak? 

So far, the Egyptian Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), represented by its leader Field Marshal Mohammed Hussein Tantawi, is responsible for governing the country. But according to SCAF’s announced transitional timetable, Egypt’s People’s Assembly and Shura Council will be responsible for electing the (100-member) constitutional committee empowered to draft a new constitution for the country. As for the Egyptian presidential elections scheduled to be held in March - April 2012, this will represent the first time than an Egyptian president takes office via the ballot box.

In a public survey conducted across 26-governorates by Cairo’s National Center for Social and Criminal Research on Egypt’s presidential candidates, Egyptian public opinion ranked Arm Mousa as the most popular, with 23.2 percent of the vote. Former Director General of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) Mohammed ElBaradei finished second last, with only 4 percent. If such opinion polls prove accurate, we might be looking at a scenario where Amr Mousa is appointed the President of Egypt, whilst the Freedom and Justice Party - affiliated to the Muslim Brotherhood – prevails with more than the required 40 percent of seats in the Egyptian parliament, thus granting it the right to form the first Egyptian coalition government since 1952. Under this scenario, Egypt would see a return to the 1940s, when political parties competed with one another to form the cabinet. 

Until now, debate continues to rage amongst the Egyptian elite, as to whether Egypt should switch from the (French) republican model to the (British) parliamentary system, or rather adopt the expanded US presidential system. Under the third option, the office of prime minister would be abolished, the president would hold executive powers, the parliament would exercise legislation, and the Shura Council would have the right to veto or sanction any decision. This would guarantee that the majority (in the religious and regional sense) could not encroach upon the minority's rights and interests. If we assume that things go according to the announced schedule, the expected scenario is that Egypt will adopt a proven system but with certain ideological constitutional amendments. In other words, this means the Islamization of some aspects of rule, rather than drastic changes to the structure or system of governance, based on the probability that the Muslim Brotherhood will take over the administration of government. However, the presidency shall remain in the hands of a third party, likely to be more inclined to the wishes of SCAF. In other words, the presence of the military may not come to an end with the election of a new Egyptian president in 2012. In fact, the military may continue to have considerable influence over Egyptian politics, playing the role of kingmaker rather than direct rulers of the country. 

In light of this estimation, Egypt will have passed beyond the 1952 – 2011 phase, when the military was the direct ruler of the country. Now the military shall have to settle for power-sharing in its capacity as the "guardian of the Constitution." A few members of SCAF have been quoted repeating this expression over the past few months. If the military plays the role of the “guardian of the Constitution”, it will have the authority to intervene whenever it feels that one of the parties involved in the political process wants to eliminate it and monopolize power. 

Many examples have followed this model: Turkey between 1982 and 2010, Pakistan between 1977 and 2009, and Algeria from 1965 to the present day. Of course there is another scenario whereby the military could permanently lose power. This is the scenario that most Tahrir Square revolutionaries would like to see happen, especially after the clashes which preceded the recent elections, and the direct attacks on SCAF leader Field Marshal Tantawi and other members.

Faced with this situation, the Islamist parties and currents - specifically the Muslim Brotherhood - find themselves facing a difficult challenge. They could accept the status quo and focus on weathering the current crisis by concentrating on reforming the Egyptian economy and restoring government services - like security - to their pre-25 January levels, not to mention re-attracting foreign, Gulf and European investments to rebuild confidence in the political and economic future of Egypt. This scenario would require the Freedom and Justice Party to follow in the footsteps of its Turkish counterpart, the Justice and Development Party. In this case, the Freedom and Justice Party should work diligently to offer a developmental model that can save Egypt from the state of free-fall its economy is facing, as its foreign currency reserves continue to evaporate. If the Muslim Brotherhood succeeds in running the government in a manner similar to the relative success of Dr. [Ahmed] Nazif's dismissed cabinet, they might manage, along with their Islamist allies, to change the Egyptian political system within a period of five to ten years.

However, there is also the worst-case scenario, whereby the Muslim Brotherhood could carry on with their slogan-heavy and populist discourse whilst neglecting the economic priorities. They would then focus on restoring a stance of opposition and resistance against Israel and the Western countries. This orientation could incorporate an alliance with Iran against the Gulf States, or hasty endeavours to remove the military and secular political blocs from their positions, in order to allow the Brotherhood to dominate the political arena. This would be like what happened in Iran shortly after the 1979 Islamic Revolution, when Imam Khomeini's supporters managed to eliminate their rivals from the liberal, communist and secular leftist blocs.

Undoubtedly, the Islamist currents have a historic opportunity to improve their image and a political history full of assassinations, justifications of violence, and the promotion of extremist utopian dreams about a righteously-guided caliphate under Islamic Sharia Law. This concept springs from their hard-line interpretations of religious texts. If the Muslim Brotherhood pass up this golden opportunity, Egypt's future will be no more than a repetition of the troubled Pakistani model. 

In the wake of the 1973 Yom Kippur War, a crew from a French national television channel went to Mit Abu al-Kum, the hometown of late President Anwar Sadat, to shoot a documentary about his life. The preparation for the film and its development took many months. During the closing moments of the documentary, the French director filmed Anwar Sadat standing alone in silence for a few minutes whilst contemplating the Nile. The late Egyptian president eventually said: “Sometimes it can be frighteningly lonely at the top." Those who will rule Egypt in the future will ultimately feel this loneliness. But first, they will have to learn how to relinquish power when their presence at the top becomes protracted and intolerable.
 

“VICTIMS OF CRIME” -- THEIR PATHETIC PLIGHT NEEDS TO BE TAKEN SERIOUSLY.

“CHAMPIONING THE CAUSE OF HUMANITY & HUMAN RIGHTS”
 
POLICE  WATCH  INDIA               E-NEWS
SERVICE
We Police The Police                                                Mob. no. 9810887820
A
Global Online Media Release                                                                            WEEKLY NEWS LETTER
Official Website : www.policewatchindia.org                                                           198TH EDITION
We Fear No One & We Favour No One.                                                                 Dated : 11th December, 2011
The world is watching
 
To,
Shri P. Chidambaram,
Union Home Minister,
Govt. of India,
New Delhi.
 
SUB : “VICTIMS
OF CRIME”  --  THEIR PATHETIC PLIGHT NEEDS TO BE TAKEN
SERIOUSLY.

Dear Mr.
Chidambaram,

The criminal justice process can be an intimidating and
frustrating experience for victims of crime. From the moment some victims call
police, they may find themselves faced with a spiral of events that is
seemingly out of their control. They may perceive that police do not respond
quickly enough, for example, and when police do arrive, victims may believe
that police are not sensitive enough to the experience they suffered. 
 
Victims often find it difficult to understand why their
property cannot be recovered or, if recovered, why it cannot be immediately
returned. Victims of violent crime are fearful that their aggressor will be
released on bail; if convicted and imprisoned, they are fearful that he will be
released on parole.
 
It is a reality in law that the Constitution of India
protects the right of suspects and defendants but not the rights of victims.
Statements & confessions of Criminals/Offenders/Accused before the Police
bear no value in the Courts. Defendants have the right to an attorney during
every critical stage of the court proceedings, including arraignments, pretrial
hearings, trials, and sentencing. Victims are not represented by lawyers unless
they choose to hire a lawyer during a civil proceeding. Although it can be
argued that the prosecutor is essentially the lawyer for the victim, the
prosecutor is technically the lawyer for the government and may pay very little
attention to the physical, financial, or emotional needs of victims. Victims
often have to take time off from work or other obligations to appear in court,
and when cases go to trial, they are subjected to the scrutiny of the media and
grueling cross examination in a courtroom in which they must be confronted by
the defendant. As a result, victims have often complained that they are the
forgotten component of the criminal justice process or are twice victimized,
once when the crime first occurs and again when they encounter the criminal
justice process.
 
Although the above reality strikes many citizens as
unfair, it occurs because suspects and defendants have so much to lose from the
criminal justice process, in which the awesome power of the state is brought to
bear against the individual. A person accused of crime stands to lose his or
her freedom, sometimes for life. Under the law, if we are ready to take away a
person’s freedom—in some cases even his or her life—we must “do it right” by
providing the protections in accordance with the Constitution. The law does not
plan to take away the freedom of the victim, and hence the victim’s rights are
not guaranteed in the Constitution.
 
Violence harms its victims both physically and
psychologically. It traumatizes victims, bystanders, and family members alike.
It can trigger paralyzing anxiety and fear, long lasting depression, or deep
anger. Although
a substantial amount of effort has been devoted to finding
the best ways to treat violent offenders, little research has been conducted on
the best ways to treat the victims of violence to minimize their psychological
problems. Standard treatments for depression and anxiety may be inappropriate
in these cases. Programs to treat victims have been shown to be most effective
when they are delivered in natural locations, such as schools, community
groups, health care environments, and when they are culturally relevant and
age- and sex-specific. Therapies that are more specific to different types of
victimization have yet to be developed.
 
The psychological impact of criminal violence on its
victims is substantial and far reaching. In fact, in many cases, the
psychological trauma experienced by victims of crime may be more troubling to
the victim than the physical injury or the loss of property. Psychological
reactions to criminal victimization can range from mild to severe. Mild
reactions to stress are characterized by a variety of symptoms, including minor
sleep disturbances, irritability, worry, interpersonal strain, attention
lapses, and the exacerbation of prior health problems.
 
It is time that the RIGHTS
OF VICTIMS OF CRIMEare guaranteed by the Constitution of India
so that at least a part of what they have lost is recouped by them. HUMAN RIGHTS & HUMANITY DEMAND THIS GUARANTEE
& THE LEGISLATORS HAVE TO TAKE CARE OF THIS URGENT NEED.
 
Setting up of  “CRIME  VICTIMS  CLAIM  TRIBUNAL”   (C.V.C.T.)somewhat
similar to theMOTOR
ACCIDENTS CLAIM TRIBUNAL (MACT) would be step in the right direction.
 
On our part
i.e. POLICE WATCH INDIA’S
part we have already made a humble beginning by setting up “RIGHTS OF VICTIMS”
FOUNDATION OF INDIA
http://www.rightsofvictims.org/. 
 
WE EXPECT ALL OUR SUPPORTERS BOTH
SILENT & VOCAL TO LEND THEIR PATRONAGE & SUPPORT WITH ALL THEIR MIGHT
IN WHATEVER WAY POSSIBLE FOR THIS NOBLE EFFORT TO SUCCEED.
 
ANY BODY
& EVERYBODY CAN BE A VICTIM OF CRIME AT ANY GIVEN POINT OF TIME & THERE
ARE NO EXCEPTIONS TO THE RULE.
 
All News Letters are posted on our
Official Website: www.policewatchindia.org. Do visit it regularly.
 
Regards
POLICE WATCH INDIA(Regd. NGO).
Rajendra Dhar
Hony. Editor-in-Chief, Legal Advisor 
& Chief Investigator.
Mob. No. 9810887820. 
 COPY
BE SENT TO ALL POLICE OFFICERS & OTHERS CONCERNED.

Sibal: Hands off our internet freedom!

This is not the first time that internet freedom in India has been under attack. Just this April, our government issued incredibly restrictive rules that gives it the power to take down any site under vague pretexts like curtailing blasphemy or protecting national security. But this new rule would make internet censorship so much worse – it forces internet providers to remove content before it’s ever seen by the public. This is extreme by any standard -- even many dictatorships grant more internet freedom than this.

Our government claims that this policy will protect India from material that may hurt religious diversity, and from terrorists who may use the internet to organize. But we know that internet censorship also allows the government toclamp down on the right to dissent, organize, and stand up for our rights – a keystone of any real democracy.

India has 55 million registered internet users, and together we can ensure that we’re a voice Sibal and his allies can’t ignore.