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Friday, 12 October 2012

An abridgement of the letter from Albert Einstein to Eric Gutkind from Princeton in January 1954, shortly before his death



An abridgement of the letter from Albert Einstein to Eric Gutkind from Princeton in January 1954, translated from German by Joan Stambaugh. It will be sold at Bloomsbury auctions on Thursday
... I read a great deal in the last days of your book, and thank you very much for sending it to me. What especially struck me about it was this. With regard to the factual attitude to life and to the human community we have a great deal in common.
... The word God is for me nothing more than the expression and product of human weaknesses, the Bible a collection of honourable, but still primitive legends which are nevertheless pretty childish. No interpretation no matter how subtle can (for me) change this. These subtilised interpretations are highly manifold according to their nature and have almost nothing to do with the original text. For me the Jewish religion like all other religions is an incarnation of the most childish superstitions. And the Jewish people to whom I gladly belong and with whose mentality I have a deep affinity have no different quality for me than all other people. As far as my experience goes, they are also no better than other human groups, although they are protected from the worst cancers by a lack of power. Otherwise I cannot see anything 'chosen' about them.
In general I find it painful that you claim a privileged position and try to defend it by two walls of pride, an external one as a man and an internal one as a Jew. As a man you claim, so to speak, a dispensation from causality otherwise accepted, as a Jew the priviliege of monotheism. But a limited causality is no longer a causality at all, as our wonderful Spinoza recognized with all incision, probably as the first one. And the animistic interpretations of the religions of nature are in principle not annulled by monopolisation. With such walls we can only attain a certain self-deception, but our moral efforts are not furthered by them. On the contrary.
Now that I have quite openly stated our differences in intellectual convictions it is still clear to me that we are quite close to each other in essential things, ie in our evalutations of human behaviour. What separates us are only intellectual 'props' and 'rationalisation' in Freud's language. Therefore I think that we would understand each other quite well if we talked about concrete things. With friendly thanks and best wishes
Yours, A. Einstein


Importance of Kanshiram and his politics By Vidya Bhushan Rawat


Importance of Kanshiram and his politics
 
By Vidya Bhushan Rawat
 

Hundreds of Thousands people assembled today in Lucknow to remember Kanshiram and pay their tribute to the great leader. It is shocking to see how every decision of the BSP government has been rescinded by the current dispensation of Uttar-Pradesh. Kanshiram's legacy remain everlasting, stronger and powerful today.

The mainstream media has no time to remember a man who changed the politics of India and actually did India a great favor by not really turning it into another organized chaos as we are witnessing today.  Yes, one is shocked to see political and intellectual dishonesty of Indian elite pretending its fight against corruption and yet keeping conspicuous silence on the biggest corruption which it faces, the issue of the rights of Dalits, minorities and aadivasis. The anti-corruption agenda is being fixed by the corrupt corporate and their cohorts in the media and hence we need a complete scrutiny of it in a separate article. Many of us know well how the corporate funded anti-corruption movements ignore the issue of identities and diversity in our society.

Kanshi Ram, the founder of Bahujan Samaj Party changed the face of Indian politics. Actually, he changed it positively. He builds up the DS-4 movement and later started BAMSCEF and turned them into powerful organ to spread the movement of social change. The movement which remained on the margins after the Death of Baba Saheb Ambedkar was politically established by him in the largest state of Uttar-Pradesh and gave hope to millions others in rest of the country. Today, the Dalit polity is not an attachment to the so called mainstream politics but it has fixed up agenda for mainstream politics, much to the disdain of the middle classes, corporate elite and media which has been persistently trying to undo that agenda of social justice.
 
Kanshiram was a sharp learner and understood well the contradictions of our society and different castes. He was simple in his approach and was never a rebel rouser in the public. He spoke from his heart and did not hide his personality behind the garb of artificial arguments and fictitious propaganda. His focus was more on the community and its empowerment through political action. One thing which many of Ambedkarite blame him was not really following Buddhism as a precondition for changing the system. Even when technically both Kanshiram and Mayawati did not embrace Buddhism yet none can actually say that they followed 'Hindu rituals'. In fact, the most positive aspect of kanshiram was that he never ever believed in brahmanical rituals and was totally committed to the cause of Dalit empowerment through political action.

His experiments with the most marginalized communities in Uttar-Pradesh, is an example for other to follow. He picked up young political activist and trained them for future. His simplicity never allowed him to be away from his people and develop a distance from them. That he learnt from his vast mass contact programme all over the country. He had a sharp brain to catch up political activist and that helped him build up the party of committed cadres. 

Kanshiram was never media savvy and treated it with utter disdain that it deserves. He knew well about media's caste biases against Dalits and that is why it did not matter even when he had a physical scuffle with the media in front of his residence in Delhi. Media might have been loudmouth in condemning him yet at the end of the day, the 'famous' journalist who got beaten up by Kanshiram became his 'follower' later.

In the beginning, kanshiram would ask the upper castes to leave the venue of the BSP meetings. He asserted with great courage but that was never a threat to the upper caste monopoly of Indian state and our villages. Tilak, Taraju and Talwar actually do not assert with violence these days but with 'sam-daam-danda-bheda'. It is with brutal power in the villages as well as politics of cooption that Indian elite works altogether.  He joined hand with Malayam Singh Yadav and both Samajwadi Party and Bahujan Samaj Party formed a coalition government in Uttar-Pradesh in 1993 but that coalition lacked social cultural programme to integrate the Dalit Bahujans hence it collapsed under its own contradictions. Kanshiram and Mulayam were using these contradictions for their own benefits and realized that being together was difficult for them as Mulayam Singh Yadav and his Samajwadi Party is not the product of Bahujan Samaj movement of Ambedkar, Periyar and Phule.  I do not even feel that they understood Lohia well as Samajwadi party is a political outfit like any other middle class party and has no specific socio cultural programme for the Bahujan masses. In fact, one is not even sure whether Mulayam Singh Yadav likes the term Bahujan or not.

Kanshiram's biggest mistake was in getting BJP support for BSP government in the state but if we see the historical legacy then it was important to understand as why he did it. Given the nature of intrigues in the Indian politics by caste politicians, he knew well that an independent government of BSP was impossible at the moment and he wanted to install the government of Mayawati at all cost. The positive side was that it helped BSP and others understand political compulsions without compromising the basic principles of their political ideologies. Ofcourse, BSP could not honor Periyar in the hinterlands because of the BJP's aversion to Periyar.  The same BJP did not say anything to its alliance partners like DMK or ADMK who swear by Periyar's ideology. Hence some time, political ideologies are great humbug to create a fictitious agenda and stop the most marginalized people to bargain power politics.

Kanshiram used the opportunism to the favor of Dalit polity though it may not always be productive. Now the BSP is engaged in dealing with upper castes also though it has completely abandoned the agenda of social change. Kanshiram used to say that he want to put the Manuwadi social order to upside down but later realized that it is virtually impossible to erase a structure. The best thing is to create better alternatives and initiate a change which is a slow process yet bound to happen.

When I was sitting at the Genocidal museum in Phnom Penh where Pol Pot's horror regime executed thousands of innocent people, one thing came in my mind. How would people react to such a situation in India? Was it possible to start from ground zero and undo everything to provide a level playing field as Pol Pot wanted and what happened at the end? Ideologies were at war with each other and all of them were actually part of power elite. The strength of BSP or Kanshiram lies in the fact that it believe in political change and it learnt its lesson well from each passing day that at the end of the day, the Dalits can change their own fortunate through political participation. Kanshiram did not talk of greater 'ideologies' accept the path of Baba Saheb Ambedkar and even that he was not a cranky theoretician pushing his people to sacrificing table. No, he was a pragmatist who developed new theory of participation in power structure. He made the Dalit believe in themselves and providing a political alternative to all. It was not the 'elite' class leading the battle of the marginalized but they develop their own leadership. Many may have complexes and questions about Mayawati and Kanshiram's theories and everybody is free to accept them or not. The fact is that Kanshiram never went to the upper castes for votes though Mayawati is going to them. In politics, a party changes its positions, learn from the past and have to go to people. Rigidities of righteousness do not work in political work which is basically art of managing contradictions and making impossible thing work together.

Kanshiram is no more today. His contribution needs a careful analysis. One cannot ignore the ray of hope that he ignited among the vast masses all over the country. It is sad that the current dispensation of Uttar-Pradesh has calculatedly started targeting Dalits and their great cultural icons. Sad, because, Mulayam Singh Yadav and his son could focus positively on the agenda of the state and work for the betterment of the people. Mulayam and his Samwajwadis can learn a lot from the work of kanshiram. The Cultural Revolution unleashed by Jyotiba Phule, Baba Saheb Ambedkar, Chhatrapati Shahuji Maharaj and Periyar is not just for Dalits alone but for vast Bahujan masses as well as secular humanists too.  It is ironical that a party which should have used Kanshiram's legacy to reach the Dalit Bahujan masses is actually trying to discredit him and pleasing the caste based forces in Uttar-Pradesh. Kanshiram should be honored for making dalits believe in India's political system and making it a stronger democracy.

When I see world around and how lunatic political class used the poorest of the poor in the name of power to the people, the innumerous killings of people to protect the 'identities of people', where people forgot humanities and yet without result, Kanshiram's empowerment to his people is an example for everyone to understand. Today, we remember him for his enormous contribution to our political system where Dalits are not just an object to get the votes but their philosophy, ideology and thinking matters and using it systematically and intelligently they can definitely form a government of their own as happened in Uttar-Pradesh which can bring positive changes in their lives. . Dalits are asserting their presence everywhere politically and have made radical changes in Indian system through political interventions. Political parties are following them and yet they remain powerful and perhaps that is the biggest legacy of Kanshiram that he made Dalit believe in themselves and strength of their power.
--
Vidya Bhushan Rawat
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For Social action, land rights, right to food and hunger issues support Social Development Foundation at  www.thesdf.org


Tea plantation workers demand food security in Jalpaiguri district




Press Release
10 October 2012
Tea plantation workers demand food security in Jalpaiguri district
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The issue of closure of tea gardens and their impact on food security became the focal point of the campaign in Jalpaiguri district, where programs were held on 9-10 October, 2012.  The campaign in this district took off with gate meeting on 9 October at Bamandongo and Todoo, an estate that has faced closure twice earlier from 2005 to 2010. Further, a day before the Campaign, on 8 October 2012, the management once again abandoned the garden after a dispute over bonus. The meeting was organised by the Progressive Plantation Workers Union and the Progressive Tea Workers Union. Others present were Sushovan Dhar from New Trade Union Initiative (NTUI), Debjit Dutt from the National Alliance of PeopleⳠMovements, Molina Pramanick and Anuradha Talwar from Paschim Banga Khet Majoor Samity (PBKMS).
The next meeting was held at Dheklapara tea estate where 9 deaths took place between December 2011 and January 2012. Some of the issues raised in this meeting were irregular functioning of the Sahay programme in the garden which runs a community kitchen for the hungry and destitute, 2 more deaths in the past few months induced and aggravated by lack of regular food and medical care, irregular distribution of AAY grains under PDS, delay in payment of old age pension and no payment of special allowance of Rs.1500 under FAWLOI (Family Allowance for Workers in Locked Out industry). Decision was taken to organise a meeting in the first week of November to decide on the next course of action.
The next meeting with tea plantation workers was held at Dalmore tea estate, closed since 29 July 2012. No relief measures have started in the garden, and wages for work done in NREGA have been due for more than couple of months. The workers also decided to form a committee to save their garden (Bagan Bachao Committee) with representatives of all labour lines, unions and NGOs to take their struggle forward. Next meeting was at Ramjhora tea estate, where 93 hunger deaths were reported in last 7 years. Pending wages under MGNREGA for the last 6 months was a major concern here.
Today, a public meeting was organised in Kumlai Tea Estate in Nagrakata Block, Jalpaiguri, where 3 starvation deaths have been reported in the last 6 months. A deputation was held with the BDO, Nagrkata where a memorandum was submitted and demand was made to immediately disburse General Relief measures to all workers, clear due wages under MGNREGS and provide medical care services in the gardens.
PBKMS, SMS, Shramajivee Samanvay Committee and NTUI held a deputation with the ADM (Development) in Barasat, North 24 Parganas district. The issue of delay in payment of old age pension, delay in MGNREGS wages worth Rs.7crore were main points raised.
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Bishnupur and Baruipur blocks in South 24 Parganas were covered by Udayani Social Action Forum, where particularly the issue of corruption under Annapurna scheme was bought to light. Foodgrains which should be distributed free of cost were sold at Rs. 2/kg.
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Programs are also organised today in Malda district by Malda Sahayogita Samity, for which reporting would be done tomorrow.

Please find some photographs attached from the yatra in South 24 Parganas district.

For more details, please contact:༯i>  ࠦnbsp; ࠦnbsp; ࠦnbsp; ࠦnbsp; ࠦnbsp; ࠦnbsp; ࠠ༯span>
Saradindu BiswasଠPh: 9433342488    ࠦnbsp; ࠼/p>

--
For more information about our work and struggles , please also look at our new blog site at༁ href="http://www.rediffmail.com/cgi-bin/red.cgi?red=http%3A%2F%2Fkhetmajoorsamity%2Eblogspot%2Ecom%2F&isImage=0&BlockImage=0&rediffng=0" style="color:rgb(0,0,204)" target="_blank" target=_new>http://khetmajoorsamity.blogspot.com.


Five days into yatra, 7 districts covered in West Bengal




6 October 2012
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Five days into yatra, 7 districts covered in West Bengal
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The Right to Food and Work Campaign in West Bengal is making progress by covering 7 districts already out of a total of 13 districts planned as part of the 15 day yatra.
༯p>
Purulia༯span>organized a meeting with the District Food Controller yesterday where apart from activists of Paschim Banga Khet Majoor Samity (PBKMS), Shramajivee Mahila Samity (SMS), New Trade Union Initiative (NTUI); Meher Engineer from Teachers and Scientists Against Maldevelopment and and Jiten Nandi from Manthan, were present in solidarity with the campaign. Local issues of irregular Vigilance and Monitoring Committee were raised, including a starvation death where a 60 year old died due to long term hunger in Hura Block in the district in September last year. The District Controller asked the campaigners to furnish all details, along with lists of persons who are living in similar conditions of hunger and starvation. The problem of shortage of Food Inspectors was also raised. At present, one Food Inspector is in charge of two blocks instead of 5 for every block as per allocation. This shortage was listed as an excuse for not able to address leakages in PDS. Apart from this meeting, the yatra travelled through the Purulia town.
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Mathurapur 1 and 2 blocks༯span>in༯b>South 24 Parganas district༯span>are being covered today as part of the yatra organized by Gosaba Anwesha for Science, PBKMS, SMS, NTUI, Sundarban Bonadihikar Sangram Committee and Udayani Social Action Forum. Meetings were held in weekly haats with traders and shopkeepers taking a lot of interest in the campaign. Infact, a lot of them came up, enquired and stressed the importance of organizing on these issues.
༯b>
An interesting story was reported yesterday from 4no. Shalikotha Gram Panchayat in Daton 1 block of Paschim Medinipur༯span>district, where a ration dealer tore one of the campaign posters which listed the demands in anger and resentment. Local villagers not just protested against his behavior and action but ensured that he pasted the poster back on the wall. This incident is an instance of interest on issues showed by people, the issues which the yatra has raised and its connection with the masses.ࠠ
Today, the yatra travelled through Badalpur and Dulapur Gram Panchayat in༯span>Contai 1 block of Purba Medinipore.
༯p>
Four Gram Panchayats in༯span>Chhatna Block of Bankura district, Arrah, Jirrah, Junjhka and Jamtora were covered and public meetings were held in several places.
༯p>
For more details, please contact:༯i>
Saradindu Biswasࠠࠠ࠼/i>
Ph: 9433342488  ࠦnbsp; ࠠ༯p>

--
For more information about our work and struggles , please also look at our new blog site at༁ href="http://www.rediffmail.com/cgi-bin/red.cgi?red=http%3A%2F%2Fkhetmajoorsamity%2Eblogspot%2Ecom%2F&isImage=0&BlockImage=0&rediffng=0" style="color:rgb(0,0,204)" target="_blank" target=_new>http://khetmajoorsamity.blogspot.com.


आरटीआईकानून सशक्त बनाना बेहद ज़रूरी: उर्वशी शर्मा



 

http://www.instantkhabar.com/lucknow/item/2508-lucknow.html

आरटीआई कानून सशक्त बनाना बेहद ज़रूरी: उर्वशी शर्मा

लखनऊ: येश्वर्याज सेवा संस्थान लखनऊ ने अपने कैम्प आफिस में 'सूचना का अधिकार अधिनियम 2005' के बारे में जागरूकता फैलाने के उद्देश्य से कैम्प का आयोजन किया। कैम्प का संचालन संस्थान की सचिव उर्वशी शर्मा ने किया। उर्वशी शर्मा सूचना के अधिकार अधिनियम 2005 के लिए भारत सरकार के कार्मिक एवं प्रशिक्षण विभाग से 'ए' सर्टिफिकेट प्राप्त विशेषज्ञ है। कैम्प में स्कूली बच्चों, महिलाओं, शिक्षकों अधिवक्ताओं के साथ-साथ समाज के हर वर्ग के सैकड़ों लोगों ने आकर सूचना के अधिकार के सम्बन्ध में अपनी जिज्ञासाओं को समाधान किया। कार्यक्रम के दौरान पुस्तक ''राइट टू इन्फारमेशन - ए रूट टु गुड गवर्नेन्स'', सूचना के अधिकार की जानकारी समेटे गागर में सागर की कहावत को चरितार्थ करता ''गुटका'' और सूचना के अधिकार पर ''36 सवाल जवाब वाली पुस्तिका'' का निःशुल्क वितरण किया गया। कैम्प में कर्नाटक सूचना आयोग के एक निर्णय की प्रति भी बांटी गयी जिसमें आयोग ने जन सूचना अधिकारी को 30 दिन के बाद मांगे गये रूपये लखनऊ के एक वादी को ड्राफ्ट के माध्यम से वापस करने के निर्देश दिये है।
कैम्प में समाजसेविका प्रभुता, उषा, बबिता सिंह के साथ बाल आर0टी0आई0 एक्टीविस्ट ऐश्वर्या पाराशर ने भी जन मानस को सूचना के अधिकार के सम्बन्ध में जानकारी दी।
कैम्प में आए लोगों से प्राप्त फीड बैक के आधार पर जानकारी देते हुए उर्वशी शर्मा ने बताया कि यद्यपि सूचना के अधिकार अधिनियम को लागू हुए आज 7 वर्ष पूरे हो रहे है किन्तु आज भी प्रदेश की राजधानी के थाना पारा में जन सूचना अधिकारी और अपीलीय अधिकारी नहीं है, प्रदेश सरकार के जन सूचना अधिकार का नोडल विभाग (प्रशासनिक सुधार विभाग) आज भी अपील ग्रहण नहीं कर रहा है, उन्नाव का श्री नरायन महिला स्नातकोत्तर विद्यालय सूचना मांगने वालों को सरकारी नियमों की दुहाई देते हुए धमका रहा है और मुख्यमंत्री कार्यालय डाक से आये सामान्यजनों के पत्रों का कोई भी ब्योरा नहीं रख रहा है। उर्वशी ने सूचना के अधिकार की वर्तमान दशा के लिए सरकार एवं सरकार में बैठे अधिकारियों की उदासीनता को उत्तरदायी ठहराते हुए कहा कि यदि सूचना के अधिकार कानून को सशक्त नहीं बनाया जायेगा तो वह दिन दूर नहीं है जब हमारा देश घोटोलों का देश मात्र बनकर रह जायेगा।
कैम्प में लोगों से सूचना के अधिकार के हेल्पलाइन नम्बर 8081898081 एवं भ्रष्टाचार विरोधी हेल्पलाइन नं0 9455553838 का उपयोग कर संस्थान के सहयोग से समस्यांए सुलझाने की जानकारी भी दी गयी।
येश्वर्याज सेवा संस्थान लखनऊ के आगामी कार्यक्रम के बारे में जानकारी देते हुए उर्वशी ने रविवार 21 अक्टूबर को 2.00 बजे से यू0पी0 प्रेस क्लब में ''माननीय सर्वोच्च न्यायालय द्वारा सूचना आयुक्तों की नियुक्ति'' के सम्बन्ध में दिये गये निर्णय पर सूचना के अधिकार के संदर्भ में होने वाली परिचर्चा, प्रेस क्लब से हजरतगंज जीपीओ स्थित गांधी प्रतिमा तक होने वाले पैदल शान्तिमार्च एवं सांय 6.00 बजे गांधी प्रतिमा पर मोमबत्ती जलाकर प्रदर्शन करने के कार्यक्रमों में उपस्थित रहने की अपील की।
 
खबर की श्रेणी लखनऊ
 


Court Blocks NYC's Attempt to Halt the Lawsuit Against Stop and Frisk The suit against the NYPD's racially discriminatory policy will now proceed unhindered.


Court Blocks NYC's Attempt to Halt the Lawsuit Against Stop and Frisk

The suit against the NYPD's racially discriminatory policy will now proceed unhindered.
October 10, 2012  |  
 
 
 

 
Wednesday, a federal court denied New York City's attempt to appeal the lawsuit against the New York Police Department's Stop and Frisk policy. The decision allows the case to proceed unhindered at a time when organized opposition to the policy has reached a fevered pitch and a new bill introduced in the state legislature Wednesday seeks to create an independent inspector general to oversee the NYPD.
 
"It's very exciting news and couldn't be coming at a better time, when it seems we have all the momentum on our side," said Jen Nessel, the communications director for the Center for Constitutional Rights.
 
The federal class action lawsuit, Floyd vs. City of New York, was first filed by the Center for Constitutional Rights in 2008 on behalf of four New Yorkers subjected to the NYPD's stop and frisk program. The policy affected a staggering 686,000 people last year, with more than 80 percent of those stopped being black or Latino.
 
The suit is against both the NYPD and the City of New York, alleging that the police department's policy is racially discriminatory and violates New Yorkers' constitutional rights. The long-term goal of the lawsuit is to create a system of independent oversight for the NYPD--a demand that has been the focus of numerous pieces of legislation over the last decade, including the most recent bill.
 
Two years after its filing, the lawsuit gained glass-action status this past May.
 
"The vast majority of New Yorkers who are unlawfully stopped will never bring suit to vindicate their rights," wrote Judge Scheindlin, the federal judge who granted the suit class-action status. She added that she was appalled by the city's "deeply troubling apathy towards New Yorkers' most fundamental constitutional rights."
 
Following the May ruling, both the city and Stop and Frisk opponents began organizing fiercely. The city filed an appeal in efforts to block the lawsuit. Both Mayor Bloomberg and NYPD Commissioner Ray Kelly defended the policy, Kelly insisting that the stops are "a life-saving measure."
 
The program, which began under former Mayor Giuliani, is ostensibly intended to get guns off the street, but data shows that less than 1 percent of the stops resulted in the recovery of a firearm.
 
Meanwhile, tens of thousands of New Yorkers took to the streets in July for a three-hour silent march in Harlem to protest Stop and Frisk. The movement to film the police, known as Cop Watch, took off and a slew of cell phone camera-recorded videos of brutal and abusive police stops quickly went viral.
 
Even police officers themselves began speaking out against 250s, the cop code for a random stop. In The Nation's video documentary, released yesterday, a series of officers attested on the condition of anonymity to the top-down pressure to conduct the stop and frisks.
 
"The police department is, like, forcing us to do these unreasonable stops or we'll be penalized," said one of these officers.
 
At a protest and press conference outside City Hall Wednesday, dozens of City Council members spoke out against the policy and the need for an independent inspector general to monitor the NYPD's activities. This has long been a demand of police reform activists, not only because of Stop and Frisk, but also because of the department's unconstitutional spying on Muslims, the unprecedented cases of police brutality, the illegal approach to containing Occupy Wall Street and the dozens of other controversial practices of the largest police force in the world.
 
"There's a general sense among many communities that what the police department is doing is unjust and unfair," said Councilman Jumaane Williams of Brooklyn at Wednesday's press conference. "And I think they know there is no one that is looking over them."
 
With the appeal denied, the trial, Floyd vs. City of New York, is now scheduled to begin on March 18, 2013.
 
Laura Gottesdiener is a freelance journalist and activist in New York City.



"Whatsoever you do to the least of my people,
that you do unto me."
Matthew 25-40





"We had fed the heart on fantasies,
the heart's grown brutal from the fare"
William Butler Yeats



What Do Poor Village Children Read? By Yoginder Sikand


What Do Poor Village Children Read?

By Yoginder Sikand

As a child, I was a voracious reader. I had almost no friends then, and so I spent most of my time after school reading. I was fortunate to have parents who encouraged me to read, who bought me more books than I could devour and who arranged for me to become a member of various libraries. Much that I've learnt in life has been because of what I've read. If I hadn't been addicted to reading, especially books other than those prescribed in the school curriculum, I don't suppose I would have been able to study in what are considered to be some of the 'best' educational institutions in India and abroad.

Now, I definitely don't mean to say that reading is the only or the best way to learn. Nor do I think that people who don't know how to read can't learn anything or know nothing at all. After all, some of the world's greatest sages have been completely illiterate. Still, given the present educational system, that places such overwhelming stress on bookish knowledge, the way your life unfolds certainly depends on, among other things, the quantum and quality of what you've read. Generally, the more a student reads, especially materials other than school textbooks, the better she does in school. And that, of course, plays a major role in what she makes of her life.

Middle-class city-based children often take reading for granted. Bookstores in cities are overflowing with books for children, and now even e-books and books that talk! Numerous publishing houses and NGOs produce books and magazines specially for children. Many middle-class localities have libraries with separate sections for children. Middle-class students in cities have no dearth of opportunities to read books on a wide range of subjects if they want to.

But a huge number of children in this country, from poor families and who live in remote villages, enjoy no such luxury. And so, they remain deprived of a major means of learning. That explains, in part, why many of them find it difficult to cope with school, why they drop out of school sooner rather than later, why they are generally unable to compete with urban, middle-class children, and why, therefore, they find it next to impossible to find well-paying jobs. As I've discovered working since less than a fortnight ago as a volunteer teacher in a school in a remote, poverty-stricken village in eastern Arunachal Pradesh, village children from poor backgrounds often read very little, if anything at all, other than their textbooks.

For the last few days, I've been interacting with the children I teach (grades eight to ten), with kids who study in other schools, as well as those who don't go to school at all, trying to gauge their reading habits. And what I've discovered is quite saddening.

Children here who don't go to school of course read nothing at all. But what of those who are enrolled in school? Their situation is only marginally different, generally speaking. Some such children read only their textbooks, while at school, and nothing at all after school hours. They'd rather play, or, for those who live in villages that have electricity and whose parents can afford a television set, watch their favourite television channels. At night, when students can get some time to read, often they cannot because many homes do not have electricity and in all the villages in the area the power supply is extremely erratic, with long hours of power failure. Many students have to spend much of the day after school hours helping their parents in the fields, fetching water from streams for their homes, gathering firewood from the forests or looking after their siblings. They simply find no time to for reading.  The parents of many such children, being largely illiterate, fail to provide them the encouragement to read beyond textbooks, being unable to appreciate its importance or simply being negligent. 

Most of the students who read anything after school hours have only their school textbooks to read. Overburdened with their homework, which is largely based on these textbooks, they find little or no time to read anything else. Tests in many schools are held every two months (and sometimes even more frequently), and this gives their students even less scope and time to read anything but their textbooks. But even their reading of their textbooks is often simply mechanical. Many students memorize entire sections of their textbooks without properly comprehending them. In some cases, teachers dictate answers to questions to their students, which the latter are expected to parrot at home and then repeat the next day in class and also in their examinations. Naturally, given all this, few students have time to read anything other than their textbooks when they return home from school. 

It isn't that children who have only their textbooks to read while at home gain much from them. Most of the private and government schools in the area are ostensibly English-medium schools, and the textbooks they use for various subjects (other than Hindi) are in English. Most teachers, however, have very limited English, and so they often teach using Hindi or one of the many local languages. The standard of English of the students, therefore, is very low. Obviously, this severely limits what children can actually learn from or understand of their textbooks. Moreover, most of the textbooks have no bearing whatsoever on the lived realities of the children, their cultural ethos and their social and economic context, and this is an additional reason that many of them find such books dry and boring.

Relatively few students I've interacted with so far have ever read anything other than their textbooks, although many of them wish they could access such reading materials. Only some have read story books or books about culture, wildlife, history, geography, science and so on other than those used in the classroom as textbooks. Many of them haven't heard of the numerous children's magazines that are published in India and that many urban, middle-class children of their age read. Very few of the schools in the area get such magazines for their libraries. Many government schools have no library at all. Some private schools have libraries, but, generally, their collections are very small, often just a shelf or two or books, and maybe a couple of old magazines. They invest very little every year in expanding their collections and in procuring books that their students might find interesting and useful. It would seem that in some cases such libraries exist less to cater to the students' needs and interest than to enable the school management to continue getting recognition from the educational authorities because some sort of library is apparently a must for a school to be recognized. Some schools keep their library books under lock and key, and, for some strange reason, do not allow or encourage their students to read them. In some schools that have libraries, children are not allowed to borrow books. Instead, they must read the books during school hours, during the library period just once a week. But, of course, sitting half an hour in a cramped room with many other students is not quite the way for a child to enjoy reading a book.

Unlike in some other parts of India, there is not a single public or privately-run library in the area. Nor is there a proper bookshop. One small stall in a nearby settlement occasionally sells some comics and general knowledge books, but nothing much beyond that. The closest town that has a decent bookshop with books for children is located a six-hour journey away. In any case, not many families here can afford to buy many books other than textbooks for their children.

And so, as I've discovered, children in this part of the country, like in much of the rest of rural India, don't have quite the same opportunities as I had when I was a child to experience the many joys of reading. Beyond their boring textbooks, they hardly get to read anything at all.