George Habash: A Profile From the Archives

George Habash: A Profile From the Archives
Sep 27 2012 by Jadaliyya Profiles
http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/7547/george-habash_a-profile-from-the-archives

["A Profile from the Archives" is a new series published by Jadaliyya in both Arabic and English in cooperation with the Lebanese newspaper, Assafir. These profiles will feature iconic figures who left indelible marks in the politics and culture of the Middle East and North Africa.]

Name: George
Known as: Habash
Date of birth: 1926
Date of death: 2008
Name of wife: Hilda Habash
Date of marriage: 1961
Children: Maysa/Luma
Nationality: Palestine
Academic degree: PhD in medicine
Category: Politician
Profession: Doctor- Secretary General of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine
Nickname: Al-Hakeem

George Habash

-Palestinian
-Born in the city of Lid on 2 August 1926 from an orthodox family that worked in trade.
-Worked to found the Pan Arab Nationalists movement in 1952.
-Finished his primary and high school in Java and Jerusalem, joined the College of Medicine at the American University of Beirut (AUB) in 1944. He graduated as a pediatrician in 1951. He was a political activist during his studies.
-Returned to Jordan after graduation and opened his own clinic in one of the camps. He used to treat patients, along with his friend Wadee Haddad, for free.
-Took part in founding "The Arab Fida'a Brigades" which called for Arab unity and the liberation of Palestine. This group tried to assassinate Adeeb Al-Shaishakly and was dissolved as a result.
-One of the founders of "Alurwa Alwuthqa" group at AUB, which was motivated by Prof. Qustantine Zuraiq. The executive committee of this group was considered the nucleus of "Al-Shabiba Al-Arabiya" organization that came to existence in 1951 and issued "Al-Tha'ar" periodical. This organization held its first conference in 1956 under the chairmanship of George Habash. The "The Arab Nationalists" movement emerged from this conference. Some of the prominent figures of this movement are Wadee Haddad, Hani Al-Hindi, and Ahmad Al-Khateeb.
-Published "Al-Ray" newspaper in Jordan but Glob Pasha, the Jordanian army commander then, closed it.
-Ran in the parliamentary elections in Jordan in August 1956, but did not win.
-"The Arab Nationalists" were accused of carrying out several bombings in Jordan in 1957. He was forced to go into hiding. He fled to Damascus in 1958. The Jordanian courts issued default judgment sentencing him to thirty-three years in prison.
-Stayed in Damascus during the time of unity between Syrian and Egypt. The "Arab Nationalists" strongly supported President Gamal Abdul Naser at that time. One of its founders, Hani Al-Hindi, held a ministerial post and members of the group enjoyed a lot of power and freedom to move.
-Met his wife, Hilda Habash, a relative of his, in 1960 in Jerusalem.
-Married in Damascus early 1961. Among the guests in his wedding were: Wadee Haddad, Al-Hakam Darwaza, Ahmad Al-Tawalba, Tayseer Qubba'a, Hani Al-Hindi, Muhsin Ebrahim, and Khalid Abu Aisha, the first martyr of the PFLP.
-His first daughter, Maysa, was born in Damascus in 1961, when he was in prison. His second daughter, Luma, was born in Jerusalem In 1966.
-After the secession of Syria from the union, he stayed In Damascus. In 1964, the leadership of the province in Palestine of "The Arab Nationalists," which he assumed with Wadee Haddad and Ahmad Yamani, was transferred to the PFLP. The official declaration of the establishment of the front was delayed to 1967. The front consisted of 3 groups: Abtal Al-Awda, Shabab Al-Thaar, and the Palestinian Liberation Front (established by Ahmad Jebril in 1964).
-Fled Syrian persecution to Beirut In 1964.
-Returned to Syria after the 23rd of February movement in 1966, which brought a new command to power in Syria, and toppled President Amin Al-Hafith and Michelle Aflaq.
-Was arrested in Damascus in 1968 for seven months. Wadee Haddad organized an operation to rescue him; he and his men dressed as policemen, attacked the convoy carrying him from prison to the court, and managed to rescue his friend and smuggle him to Lebanon. He travelled later to Cairo where he met with President Nasser.
-His leadership of the PFLP faced conflicts and four defections:

·The defection led by Ahmad Jibril in August 1968, which produced "The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-The General Command."
·The defection of Nayef Hawatmeh on 22 February 1972, and the establishment of "The Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine."
·The defection of the "Revolutionary Front for The Liberation of Palestine" on 6 March 1972, under the leadership of several cadres including "Abu Shehab."
·The defection of a group led by Abu Nidal Musallami, the front's official in Gaza in 1994. This group did not take another name and was for the Gaza-Jericho first agreement with some reservations and called for the return to Gaza and the west bank.

-He deserted the traditional pan-Arab Ideology and announced that he and the front follow Marxist-Leninist ideology after the 1967 defeat. Following this announcement, he made a tour in China, the Soviet Union, and North Korea. He made a statement in which he said that Arab struggle should be based on an Arab "Hanoi" to be its strategic dimension. He, along with his friend Wadee Haddad, came up with a slogan saying that the enemy should be tracked everywhere. Haddad translated this slogan in the form of consecutive operations against Israeli planes. New names emerged among the people who carried out such operations like Layla Khalid and Amina Dahbour.
- He kept strong ties with President Nasser, until July 1970 when President Nasser accepted the Rogers plan.
-The operation carried out by the foreign operations apparatus under the leadership of Wadee Haddad, in which four planes were hijacked in 1970, gave the pretext to King Hussein to start his battle against the Fedayeen. The clashes were known later as "Black September" and led to the departure of Palestinian Fedayeen from Amman.
-Moved to Beirut in 1971 after the forces of the Palestinian revolution relocated in the South and the camps of Beirut.
-Announced on 13 March 1972, the strategy of hijacking airplanes was halted because it conflicted with the International Alliances of the Front.
-Rejected in 1974 the idea of establishing an independent Palestinian state on part of the Palestinian land, but he accepted it in 1979 after the collapse of the "Rejection Front".
-He made a crucial contribution in establishing "The Anti-Peace Settlements Palestinian Powers Front," which allied with Iraq and included the PFLP, the Arab Liberation Front, the Popular Palestinian Struggle Front, and the Palestinian Liberation Front.
-Announced the withdrawal of his organization from the executive committee of the PLO in protest against the new political course of the organization, which was known as the "ten points" plan and was endorsed by the tenth National Palestinian Council.
-Played a significant role in establishing the "Arab Socialist Workers Party" in Lebanon.
-Israel tried to kidnap and kill him several times. A plane was hijacked on 10 August 1973, at the time of takeoff from Beirut to Baghdad because the Israelis thought he was among the passengers.
-He had brain surgery in AUB in 1980.
-He left Beirut in August 1982 with the Palestinian forces. He stayed in Damascus since then and joined the opposition of Yasir Arafat.
-He took part in establishing the Palestinian National Salvation Front based in Damascus, which included several organizations opposing the leadership of the PLO.
-He made a tour in the Gulf states in June 1985, the first in his political history. He used to call the Gulf States regressive. The enemies of the Front were according to the slogan: Imperialism, Zionism, and Regression.
-He opposed the Amman agreement between the PLO and Jordan signed in February 1986 and called for its annulment.
-Had a significant role in leading the First Intifada in 1987.
-Returned to Amman in 1990 after twenty years of absence to take part in the popular conference to support Iraq during the Gulf War.
-He had a stroke in Tunisia on 17 January 1992. He was taken to a hospital in France which stirred a national political furor and forced three officials to resign: The secretary general of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Francois Scheer, the office manager of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Bernard Kessedjian, and the office manager of the Minister of Interior, Christian Figuru. Accused of terrorism, few French apparatuses tried to issue an arrest warrant against Habash.
-His supporters and Palestinian revolution fighters called him "Al-Hakeem" (the wise man).
-He came to Beirut on 26 July 1999, to take part in the celebration of granting the Gamal Abdul Nasder award to Muhammad Hassanein Haikal, by the center for Arab Unity Studies. This was his first visit since 1982.
-Rejected Yassir Arafat call to meet with him in Cairo on 1 August 1999. He said that his condition to hold negotiations with him is to undo the amendment of the Palestinian National charter. But the PFLP had already made a decision to hold negotiations with Arafat and sent Habash's deputy, Abu Ali Mustafa to Cairo on 31 July 1999 for this purpose.
-Resigned from the secretariat general of the PFLP on 1 May 1 2000 during the sixth conference of the front.
-Visited Lebanon and met with President Lahoud on 3 July 2000. He also met with former PM Al-Hes on 4 July 2000.
-He denounced the Israeli aggression against Archbishop Atallah in the holy land in 2000.
-He sent a letter to Hasan Nasrallah, the secretary General of Hizbullah, congratulating him on the victory of 2006.
-He died on 26 January 2008.

Stands and views

-"The defeat of 1967 is not just a military setback, it is a defeat of Arab situations, and a defeat of military regimes, and also an intentional defeat to the Arab nationalistic movement." Al-Hadaf 6 September 1970.
-"We decided to stop hijacking airplanes because it contradicts our Arab and international alliances." Al-Nahar 15 March 1972.
- "The policies of the surrendering regimes will produce a new rooted national liberation movement. The duty of the Palestinian revolution is to ally with these forces and not with the falling regimes." Al-Hadaf 3 March 1974.
-"Declaring the end of war with Israel is a flagrant treason and the PLO has moved along the Saudi-Egyptian path." Al-Nahar 26 October 1974.
-"We call on the Soviets to reconsider their wrongful stance of recognizing the Zionist entity." 16 May 1975.
-"If Syria Is working to get some support to join the settlement process, then the masses will curse the Syrian regime just like they are cursing the Egyptian regime now." 10 September 1975.
-"The PLO and the front of rejection are unified in the battle in Lebanon. The presence of the Palestinians has not affected the sovereignty of the country." 22 January 1976.
-"We have no relationship with resolution 242. It is irrelevant to us as a revolution." Ela Al-Amam 16 June 16 1978.
-"We agree with Syria on fighting Sadat's path." A statement made on his first visit to Syria after ten years. Al-Nahar 22 September 1978.
-"The political approach of the PLO paved the way and provided cover for Sadat." Al-Nahar 5 October 1979.
-"Since Sadat promised the Egyptian people prosperity and linked to the surrender of Egypt and the economic cooperation with Israel, then we should deprive him from these illusions of millions of dollars...Egypt should be put on the same level of Israel and the USA." Africazy 14 May 1979.
-"Autonomy is the worst solution to end the Palestinian cause." Al-Anba'a 14 June 1979.
-"No to the Palestinian state if the price will be the continuation of the existence of Israel." Al-Anba'a 14 June 1979.
-"I announce our full support of Imam Khomeni based on his animosity to American imperialism and Israel, but let's wait and see." Al-Safeer 9 July 1979.
-"Any Arab regime that conspires against the Islamic Revolution in Iran is working against the will of the Arab people." 3 May 1980.
-"The battle of Beirut proved that out Palestinian and Lebanese people have enough resilience to defeat the vicious American aggression." 16 December 16 1982.
-"The Palestinian work in Syria cannot be similar to how it was in Lebanon because the security of Syria is important." Al-Mustaqbal 13 August 1983.
-"We refuse the military return to Lebanon with the same mistakes of the past. The Palestinian military presence has to be under the command of the Lebanese national forces." 2 February 1984.
-"What is happening in Beirut (the war on the camps) by the troops of Amal could not have been done without a Syrian green light." 11 June 1985.
-"Our military presence and our right to fight Israel is the only demand we have In Lebanon." Al-Shiraa 21 April 1986.
-"We refuse to stop the fight against Israel to protect South of Lebanon."
-"We cannot say no to a solution our big friend is Moscow is working on." Al-Nahar Al-Arabi and Al-Dawli 26 January 1987.
-"It is our right to fight Israel across all Arab borders and we will fight to open all of them for us." Al-Usboo Al-Arabi 15 February 1988.
-"The solution of all aspects of the Palestinian cause cannot be achieved unless we have an international peace convention to recognize the independent Palestinian state and the return of Palestinians to their homeland." 11 February 1989.
-"The immigration of Jews places the people and regimes of the Arab nation under a big and serious challenge that needs steps proportional to these dimensions. I call on the Soviet President to stop the immigration of the Soviet Jews to the occupied territories." Al-Hayat 9 April 1990.
-"We seek to abort the current settlement because we see it as a settlement that does not line with the legitimate rights of our people. Instead, we see it as a settlement aimed at depriving us from these rights." Al-Hayat 19 March 1993.
-"The Gaza-Jericho agreement surpassed the results of Camp David." Al-Nahar 18 December 1993.
-"Carlos is a global fighter who joined the Front out of his revolutionary convictions and our people will remember this favor for him and for all the decent fighters like him. The accusation of terrorism does not intimidate us." Al-Wasat 21 November 1994.
-"Palestinians should not interfere in Lebanese internal affairs. In this stage there should be no Palestinian military struggle based in Lebanon, we want support for our armed struggle to return." Al-Safeer 28 July 1999.
-He said in a statement issued on 17 January 2002 that the arrest of Ahmad Sa'adat, the secretary general of the PFLP, is a prelude to other steps aimed at destroying the PLO as a national coalition and will gradually lead to the abortion of the Intifada.

Sectarian Violence in Burma Attracting the Attention of International Jihadist Groups

Sectarian Violence in Burma Attracting the Attention of International Jihadist Groups
Publication: Terrorism Monitor Volume: 10 Issue: 18
September 27, 2012 05:40 PM
By: Dan G. Cox
http://www.jamestown.org/programs/gta/single/?tx_ttnews [tt_news]=39895&cHash=93d715647f69cdb58cf6833377b01a6a

Burma has undergone significant changes in recent years, as increasing pressure from the United States and other Western powers to democratize and respect human rights has mounted. The work of political dissident Aung San Suu Kyi's, which won her a Nobel Peace prize and inspired at least some rudimentary efforts toward Burmese democratization, is emblematic of the loosening of the military dictatorship's hold on the reins of power. However, democracy and respect for human rights are not guaranteed. In fact, one group, the Rohingya of Burma's Arakan State (a.k.a. Rakhine State), have experienced historical hatred, violence, and terrorism, a pattern that has re-emerged recently. This is an important issue in Burma's democratization efforts and has the potential to draw outside Islamic fundamentalist and terrorism groups to the region. Even Suu Kyi is suffering some personal embarrassment from the Rohingya situation as she has chosen to stay silent on the human rights abuses perpetrated against this Muslim ethnic group in order (as some have speculated) to shore up her political chances in the 2015 election (Asia News, August 16).

The Rohingya ethnic group traces its roots back to Muslim merchants who traded with and settled in the Bangladesh/Burma region in the late seventh century. Between one and one and a half million Rohingya currently live in Arakan State with several hundred thousand living in adjacent lands in Bangladesh. Smaller numbers of the group have migrated to India, Thailand, Malaysia, China, the UAE, and Saudi Arabia (Pakistan Observer, September 5).

Relations between the Buddhist Rhakine (the majority in Arakan State), the Burmese government, and the Rohingya have always been rocky, but reached a head after British colonization was abruptly interrupted in 1942 when Japan invaded Burma. The British had been working on a plan to create an autonomous region for the Rohingya people. After the Japanese were expelled, the Rohinga attempted to force the British to make good on their promise. This failed and in 1948 the Rohingya approached Pakistan to incorporate the Arakan region into the area then controlled by East Pakistan, which would later become Bangladesh. These moves toward autonomy angered the Burmese government and the Buddhist Rhakine living in the area, causing the first wave of violence against the Rohingya.

These events also served as the foundation for a new Rohingya narrative. Though it was clear that the Rohingya had lived in Burma for centuries, the government began to argue that the Rohingya were nothing more than refugees from Bangladesh who needed to be repatriated. This came to a head in 1982 when the military junta government amended the Burmese constitution to define Rohingya as non-Burmese citizens (Pakistan Observer, September 5). This had several negative ramifications for the Rohingya, including loss of educational and voting rights, loss of due process rights and the loss of civil service jobs they had enjoyed under British control. The Rohingya were now more impoverished and susceptible to human rights abuses than ever before.

The latest round of violence was sparked by an incident in which a Rakhine Buddhist woman was allegedly raped and killed by three Muslim men in May (Asia News, August 2). In reaction to an inflammatory version of this event carried in a pamphlet, 300 Buddhists attacked a bus in Toungop killing ten Muslim men (Bangkok Post, September 4). Human Rights Watch reports that government security forces and local police stood by and in some cases may even have colluded in the violence perpetrated against the Rohingya. [1] This incident was followed by reports that police and paramilitary forces opened fire on a group of Muslims in August (Bangkok Post, August 1).

Domestic terrorism targeting the Rohingya is jeopardizing the democratic transition of President U Thein Sein's government. U.S. President Barack Obama and his administration have been working with President Sein on the democratization process. On August 29, the Obama administration waived visa restrictions for President Sein and some of the members of his administration in order to facilitate a meeting in Washington. The restrictions had been in place due to a 2008 law that bars visas for Burmese leaders alleged to be involved in human rights abuses (Myanmar Times, September 3). President Sein has publicly stated that forced deportation of Rohingya to any country that would take them would be the final solution to the sectarian violence (Bangkok Post, July 12).

Not only do human rights abuses threaten to derail Western support for the development of democracy in Burma, but they also threaten to invite Islamic extremism and terrorism. There is little doubt that the Rhakine campaign against the Rohingya is condoned, if not actually supported, by the current Burmese government. This sectarian violence is feeding into a national strategy of ethnocide aimed at removing the Rohingya from Burmese territory.

The imprisoned Indonesian spiritual leader of the al-Qaeda-associated Jemaah Islamiya movement, Abu Bakr Bashir, threatened to wage a holy war against Burma in retaliation for the sectarian violence (al-Arabiya, August 3). Bashir was able to incite a protest by his loyal supporters outside the Burmese embassy in Jakarta that demanded the Indonesian government cease all aid and support for the Burmese government (Bangkok Post, August 9). Bashir was jailed in June, 2011 for funding a violent terrorist cell in Aceh, Indonesia, but his call to jihad could serve as an invitation for larger terrorist groups like Jemaah Islamiya to intervene in Burma on behalf of the Rohingya. (Bangkok Post, August 3).

The Rohingya crisis has also incited Pakistan's Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) to threaten terrorist attacks for the first time outside of the Afghanistan/Pakistan region. The TTP recently stated it would present itself as the defender of the Rohingya people and "take revenge for your blood" (Bangkok Post, July 27). The ability of the TTP to commit these attacks is questionable but intelligence sources in the United States believe that the TTP was responsible for the planning of the failed bomb attack in New York's Times Square in 2010 (Bangkok Post, July 27).

The sectarian violence in Burma has also attracted the attention of the Afghan Taliban, who issued an official statement in response:

The Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, besides considering this crime [i.e. the forced expulsion of the Rohingya] a black scar on the history of mankind, calls on the government of Burma to immediately put a stop to this savagery and barbarism and halt such heart rending historical violations against humans and humanity. They should realize that this is not only a crime against the Muslims of Burma but against all humankind and especially an unforgivable crime against the entire Muslim world. [2]

The claim to the land and rightful citizenship of the Rohingya people is rooted in historical fact. The history of sectarian animosity has fed into the current violence and terrorism in Arakan. The current localized violence against the Rohingya, supported by the military government, has far-reaching ramifications for both the democratization of Burma and the potential for outside terrorist organizations to infiltrate the region.

Dan G. Cox is an Associate Professor of Political Science at the United States Army School of Advanced Military Studies, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas.

Note

1. "'The Government Could Have Stopped This,' Sectarian Violence and Ensuing Abuses in Burma's Arakan State," Human Rights Watch, August 2012, p.20, http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/burma0812webwcover_0.pdf .

2. "Statement of Islamic Emirate regarding the bloody tragedy of the Muslims of Burma," Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, July 20, 2012.

UAE Islamist group denies reports it has an armed wing

UAE Islamist group denies reports it has an armed wing
Reuters
Sun, 23/09/2012 - 15:02
http://www.egyptindependent.com/news/uae-islamist-group-denies-reports-it-has-armed-wing

An Islamist group in the United Arab Emirates denied reports that its members had set up an armed wing with the aim of seizing power and establishing an Islamic state in the Gulf Arab country.

Local media in the UAE reported on Thursday that Islamists, who had been detained by the Gulf state's authorities in the last few months, confessed to setting up a secret organization with an armed wing.

"These accusations are not true and are baseless, except in the minds of those who fabricated them," the al-Islah group said in a statement sent to Reuters on Sunday.

"How is it possible that a group of civilians consisting of university professors, teachers, lawyers and businessmen turn into a military organization?"

The UAE is holding some 60 members of al-Islah which is suspected of having links with the Muslim Brotherhood, which is banned in the UAE, the privately owned al-Khaleej newspaper reported. Two other newspapers, including state-owned al-Bayan, ran similar reports. None gave named sources.

A UAE official declined to comment on the reports, saying the matter was subject to legal proceedings.

UAE's state prosecutor has charged the detainees with founding an organization that violates state security, having links to foreign organizations and insulting the political leadership, al-Khaleej reported. Their case will be referred to the relevant court soon, it said.

Al-Islah, which says its mission was to advocate peaceful reforms, said it has no connections with the global Muslim Brotherhood organization, which was founded in Egypt in 1928. The group has risen to power in Egypt after the revolution that forced Hosni Mubarak to step down last year.

"The [group's] allegiance to the UAE government is based on its belief in the legitimacy of the existing ruling system," al-Islah said in the statement.

Dubai police chief Dhahi Khalfan said in March that Western intelligence agencies told him the Muslim Brotherhood were plotting to create Gulf governments which would pay allegiance to the group.

The UAE, a significant oil exporter and Middle East business hub, tolerates no organized political opposition.

Concerned about possible spillover from the Arab Spring, it has acted fast to isolate dissidents, stripping seven Islamists of their citizenship last year on national security grounds.

The UAE said then that the men, who were naturalized as Emiratis, were originally of non-Emirati origin.

Islamists' demands in the UAE include more civil rights and greater power for the Federal National Council, a quasi-parliamentary body that advises the government - appointed by the UAE's Sunni Muslim rulers - but has no legislative power.

Libya: End of the Honeymoon Period

Libya: End of the Honeymoon Period
By: Reem al-Barki
Published Thursday, September 27, 2012
http://english.al-akhbar.com/content/libya-end-honeymoon-period

The Libyan capital Tripoli is awaiting a renewed wave of protests as the new parliament prepares an emergency law to contain the unrest.

Tripoli, Libya The angry protests sweeping the streets of Tripoli on Wednesday closed in on the vicinity of the Turkish Rixos hotel and the General National Assembly (parliament) headquarters.

Demonstrators besieged the building and managed to attack and assault some of the MPs.

In the luxurious Corinthia hotel, angry protesters reached health minister Fatima al-Hamoresh. She held a press conference on Wednesday night to comment on the incident.

Hamoresh maintained that she had come under attack for attempting to fight corruption ever since her appointment. The signs held by demonstrators demanded her resignation for failing to properly handle the compensation of the wounded during the revolution.

She insisted that she had called the interior ministry several times, but did not receive protection.

While everyone agrees that the security situation will be a top priority for the new national assembly, it is clear that it remains out of the government's control.

In the last few months, tombs have been vandalized, army officers have been assassinated, and parliamentary sessions have been suspended due to the siege by demonstrators.

Wednesday's parliamentary session had to be adjourned when protesters surrounded the parliament building demanding the resignation of prime minister Mustafa Abushagur, who has barely begun his term.

The building was evacuated, leaving many to wonder who is behind the chaos spreading across the country.

The demonstrators justified their call for Abushagur's resignation by saying that the newly elected prime minister put his hand on his heart during the US national anthem at the funeral of ambassador Christopher Stevens.

The funeral was held in the capital, Tripoli, and attended by the US Deputy Secretary of State William Burns and many foreign missions in Libya.

In the meantime, the national assembly extended the deadline for forming the government. It gave the prime minister ten extra days.

The government is speeding up efforts to organize the security forces to protect the country.

National assembly member Ahmad al-Naqi told Al-Akhbar that the problem is with the young men who are carrying arms and believe that they should be county's the rightful rulers.

He was, nonetheless, optimistic about the dialogue underway with some of the militia commanders.

There are negotiations discussing integrating some of them into state institutions, while giving the necessary health care and vocational rehabilitation to the others and providing them with job opportunities.

He added that this is expected to dominate much of the discussions that will take place in the coming parliamentary sessions.

He insisted that there will be neither stability nor security unless the militias are disbanded and some of its members integrated into the state.

Meanwhile, MPs from Benghazi released a statement calling on the people of the city to postpone their demonstration on Friday in order to avoid further instability.

They maintained their commitment to ensuring the release of the emergency funds for the city, disbanding the militias, and putting an end to extra-judicial arrests.

This article is an edited translation from the Arabic Edition.

Egypt's Sinai: The Collapsing Buffer Zone between Egypt and Israel

Egypt's Sinai: The Collapsing Buffer Zone between Egypt and Israel
Publication: Terrorism Monitor Volume: 10 Issue: 18
September 27, 2012 05:44 PM
By: Adrian Shahbaz
http://www.jamestown.org/programs/gta/single/?tx_ttnews [tt_news]=39896&cHash=a82fb4109f2d23393f222edcce396947

The recent escalation of jihadi activity in the Sinai Peninsula has added a new dimension to the geostrategic uncertainties of the post-Mubarak era. Like the fallen regime, the Sinai served as a buffer in the cold peace between the Egyptian and Israeli populations. With the Egyptian military in the Sinai suffering its greatest personnel losses since the 1970s, public anger has been channeled into loud calls to renegotiate the 1978 Camp David Accords to restore full Egyptian sovereignty over the peninsula. However, senior Egyptian officials have remained quiet about the issue, focusing their efforts instead on rooting out Salafi militants and addressing the root causes of instability in Sinai and, to an extent, the Gaza Strip as well.

Sixteen Egyptian soldiers were killed on August 5 by Salafi militants en route to the Kerem Shalom border crossing into Israel. The assailants were met with resistance from the Israeli Defense Force (IDF) Bedouin Reconnaissance Battalion before their stolen armored personnel carrier was destroyed by an Israeli Air Force (IAF) strike inside Israeli territory. Another pick-up truck ridden with explosives was blown up at the border. Eight militants were killed in the attack, while an estimated 27 retreated into Egypt (Jerusalem Post, August 6; Daily News Egypt, August 7).

In response, President Muhammad Mursi launched "Operation Sinai," calling on security forces to "implement entire control" over the peninsula and the northern towns of al-Arish, Rafah, and Shaykh Zuwayid. This was the second major operation in the area since the revolution; an attack on the al-Arish police station in August 2011 prompted the deployment of two Special Forces brigades and 1,000 soldiers in a campaign dubbed "Operation Eagle" (Bikya Masr [Cairo], August 16, 2011). Egypt's State Security Emergency Court issued 14 death sentences to members of Tawhid wa'l-Jihad in connection with the Arish incident on September 24 (Ahram Online, September 24).

After one month, the military completed "phase one" of operation, killing 32 militants, arresting 58 suspects and closing 31 smuggling tunnels linking Sinai to Gaza. Security forces also seized caches of automatic weapons, mortars, anti-tank mines and anti-aircraft guns from Palestinian and Bedouin jihadis (Al-Shorouk [Cairo], September 9). [1]

Peace discussions between a presidential delegation and tribal leaders were dropped after militants killed an Egyptian soldier in a new attack on the northern Sinai security headquarters in al-Arish on September 16, using rocket propelled grenades and automatic weapons in the assault. Fighting also occurred in Rafah and Shaykh Zuwayid, where the army targeted militants with helicopters and dozens of APCs. Earlier that day, security forces in the village of Mahdia also detained four militants connected with the August 5 attacks (Ma'an News Agency, September 16).

A Sinai-based militant group using the name Ansar Bayt al-Maqdis (Supporters of the Holy Place, i.e. Jerusalem) claimed responsibility for an attack on the Israeli border that killed an IDF soldier on September 21, saying it was a response to the Innocence of Muslims film made by "the doomed pigs of the (Coptic) diaspora." [2] The same group has claimed responsibility for earlier cross-border rocket attacks and an attack on the pipeline carrying natural gas from Egypt to Israel.

Egyptian officials have consistently played down fears of an Islamist insurgency in the Sinai. As late as July a security advisor dismissed the jihadist threat, claiming that "Israel, like many parties, has vested interests in making up dangers in Sinai" (Egypt Independent, July 4). Egyptian Intelligence Chief Murad Mowafi came under heavy criticism for his unpreparedness, especially given that Israeli officials publically warned of an increased threat in a travel alert issued to its citizens. Mowafi admitted he had "detailed information about the attack, but we never imagined that a Muslim would kill a Muslim on the hour of breaking the fast in Ramadan" (Bikya Masr, August 7). Commenting in the aftermath of the unprecedented attack, Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak expressed his condolences and hoped the incident would serve as a "wake-up call for the Egyptians to take matters into their own hands" (Ha'aretz, August 6, 2012).

President Mursi exploited public anger to sack Mowafi and a dozen senior military leaders, including Defense Minister and Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) Chairman Muhammad Hussein Tantawi, Armed Forces Chief-of-Staff Sami Enan and the heads of the navy, air force and air defense (Ahram Online, August 14). The moves prompted fears in Israel that a reshuffled SCAF hierarchy under the control of the Muslim Brotherhood would not be as cooperative with Israel (Times of Israel, August 12). However, Mursi has continuously stressed his intention to respect all international agreements (Bikya Masr, August 7). In addition, Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak has confirmed that the two countries continue to consult with each other regarding additional troop placements in the Sinai under the "Agreed Activities Mechanism" overseen by the Multinational Forces and Observers (MFO) (Arutz Sheva, September 9; for Egyptian-Israeli tensions and the MFO, see Terrorism Monitor, May 18). Reacting to persistent calls from Egypt to amend the treaty, Israeli Foreign Minister Avigdor Liberman stated: "There is no chance Israel will agree to any kind of change" (Times of Israel, September 23).

In the long term, Egyptian officials are keen to stamp out the root causes of the lawlessness and instability in the Sinai. Prime Minister Hisham Qandil has pledged to provide $ 270 million to support development projects in the area, an unfulfilled promise of former presidents Anwar Sadat and Hosni Mubarak. In an attempt to draw the Bedouin away from smuggling and other illicit activities the government will also review proposals for free trade zones in Rafah, al-Arish, and Nuweiba (Egypt State Information Service, September 4).

The current troubles in the Sinai are largely a spillover of insecurity, desperation, and economic deprivation in the Gaza Strip. To stifle the dangerous flow of arms, extremist ideology and Palestinian militants into Sinai, all parties (including Egypt, Fatah, Hamas, and Israel) will need to work to address the ongoing economic blockade of Gaza and the Palestinian Authority's political crisis. Using its contacts with Hamas, Egypt will use the opening of Rafah border as a bargaining chip to push for further Palestinian reconciliation in the run-up to future Palestinian Authority elections. However, Egypt will be careful not to provoke Israel into permanently closing the Kerem Shalom border crossing between Gaza and Israel, which would essentially transfer full responsibility over Gaza to Egypt.

The August 5 attacks highlighted the neglect of Egyptian security forces towards the threat of Salafi militancy in the Sinai Peninsula. Efforts to re-establish control over the buffer zone resurrected traditional grievances in all parties to the conflict. As "Operation Sinai" enters its second phase, more efforts to alleviate some of the deep grievances of the Bedouin population will be needed, as well as long-term steps to address the unsustainable situation in Gaza. Politicians from all sides will look to secure a breakthrough that could ease popular Egyptian pressure to renegotiate the Camp David Accords, particularly since the Military Annex to the Accords already provides the necessary mechanisms to address the current crisis through mutual consultations. In the absence of an Egyptian political and military apparatus to guarantee peace, both sides would benefit from Sinai's return as a strategic and symbolic buffer zone.

Notes:

1. For detailed information on the composition and causes of Salafist militancy in the Sinai, see Andrew McGregor, "Has al-Qaeda Opened a New Chapter in the Sinai Peninsula?" Jamestown Foundation Hot Issues, August 17, 2011.

2. Jama'at Ansar Bayt al-Maqdis, "Adopting the Friday Attack on the Jews (Ghazwa of chastisement of who offended the beloved Prophet)," Ansar1.info, September 22, 2012.

Adrian Shahbaz is a freelance Middle East analyst and contributing writer at Fair Observer, an international affairs website.

Montly Human Rights reports (west Bengal)

Banglar Manabadhikar Surtakksha Mancha (MASUM) conducted 9 fact findings during the month of
September 2012 and made requisite complaints before the relevant authorities and institutions. Out of these
fact findings, 4 incidents were of severe police torture and subsequent procedural violations regarding arrest
and implicating in false criminal charges. In all these incidents, respective police personnel violated
procedures, domestic as well as international legalities. Out of these cases, in one, Mumbai police arrested
a minor boy from religious minority community, tortured him during his detention, and falsely claimed him as
an adult. In another incident a woman from Dalit community inhumanely tortured while the police came to
arrest her husband, the heinous act was committed by the personnel from Raninagar police station. In other
two incidents, police personnel arrested, two persons having alliance with ruling party of West Bengal and
meted with severe custodial torture in Murshidabad district in both the incidents, victims were from religious
minority; Muslim community.
One incident of extra judicial killing by the Border Security Force personnel in Murshidabad has been
reported and subsequent fact finding has been done and complaints sent to different authorities and
National Human Rights Commission. In this case, the deceased belongs to Dalit community. He was killed
by the BSF, while he went out for fishing. The young man was shot at his forehead. In another incident a
young man has been killed by the police personnel of Diamond Harbor police station while the deceased
refused to bribe the police. He was rammed by a speeding police vehicle. Two other cases of torture and
intimidation by BSF have been reported and complaint made. In one case a minor boy has been tortured at
24 Parganas (north) while he was at field to graze cattle. The boy belongs to Muslim community. In other
case, three women from religious minority community faced the wraths of the BSF personnel at
Murshidabad. All these incidents prove that the socio- economic marginalized are the most vulnerable to
torturous acts of state machineries; police and BSF.
Dhananjoy Mondal
Fact finding has been done in the incarceration of Mr. Sushil Roy, this aged and ailing Maoist leader has
spent more than 7 years in prisons of West Bengal and Jharkhand. Organization has made an appeal to the
NHRC for a general amnesty and early release of Mr. Roy.
Sushil Roy
In between, MASUM attended a workshop on Human Rights Defenders issue at Bangkok; the workshop
was organized by FORUM ASIA.
A medical camp has been arranged in 24 Parganas (North) on the aegis of United Nations Voluntary Fund
for Victims of Torture, nearly 50 victims and their family members received medical and psychological
treatments.
An investigating team from NHRC came to Murshidabad to investigate the incident of extra judicial killing of
Khalil Seikh by Border Security Force personnel. In this connection investigating team called his family,
witnesses and activists of MASUM. They thoroughly discussed the issue with representatives of MASUM.
NHRC team taking the victim’s statement
Two training sessions have been organized for the civil society partners at Boro Andulia in Nadia and
Aatghara in 24 Parganas (north). A large section of activists from CBOs and NGOs with locales participated
on those sessions. Constitutional rights, criminal justice system and role of police were the issues for
discourse.
Nadia workshop Atghara Network meeting
MASUM as an organization becomes a victim of long pendency of judicial process. The appeal before the
Calcutta High Court is still pending for hearing. The case was last heard in May 2010. It should be referred
here that in 2009, Kolkata police falsely implicated MASUM in a criminal case for holding a peoples’ tribunal
on torture. Secretary and other activists of the organization as accused appeared before the Chief
Metropolitan Magistrate’s Court for regular hearing and a further date has been fixed for the same.
MASUM also documented important media reports related to human rights abuses published in regional as
well as national media during the month of September. During this period 4 incidents of police torture from
West Bengal and 4 from rest of the country have been documented. Two incidents of custodial deaths in
West Bengal have been recorded. These two deaths were happened in Srirampur and Presidency prisons.
Nationally, a person died at Ahmedabad prison.
80 media reports on violence against women have been documented for the month in which 13 incidents of
murder and 11 rapes have been committed against the women in West Bengal. 8 incidents of minors being
trafficked also have been recorded. 34 incidents of child rights violations recorded during this timeframe.


Secretary
Banglar Manabadhikar Suraksha Mancha
(MASUM)
&
National Convenor (PACTI)
Programme Against Custodial Torture & Impunity
40A, Barabagan Lane (4th Floor)
Balaji Place
Shibtala
Srirampur
Hooghly
PIN- 712203
Tele-Fax - +91-33-26220843
Phone- +91-33-26220844 / 0845
e. mail : kirityroy@gmail.com
Web: www.masum.org.in

उत्पीड़न के बहाने

उत्पीड़न के बहाने
http://www.jansatta.com/index.php/component/content/article/20-2009-09-11-07-46-16/29498-2012-09-29-08-45-03
Saturday, 29 September 2012 14:14

अनिल चमड़िया
जनसत्ता 29 सितंबर, 2012: जब राजनीतिक दल और नेता पोटा, टाडा और गैर-कानूनी गतिविधि निवारक कानून जैसे कानून बनाने पर जोर देते हैं या ऐसे कानूनों के लगातार दुरुपयोग पर चुप्पी साध लेते हैं तो इसे लोकतांत्रिक राजनीति के पुलिसियाकरण होने का ही संकेत मानना चाहिए। इस तरह के कानूनों में किसी के खिलाफ पुलिस और खुफिया एजेंसियों के आरोपों को मान लेने की बाध्यता जैसी स्थिति होती है। जामिया मिल्लिया इस्लामिया के शिक्षकों के एक संगठन ने 1992 के बाद की वैसी सोलह घटनाओं के तथ्यों का संकलन किया है जिनमें पुलिस ने मुसलिम समुदाय के कुछ लोगों पर आतंकवादी होने का झूठा आरोप लगाया था। न्यायालय में ये आरोप टिक नहीं पाए। क्या हमें यह पड़ताल नहीं करनी चाहिए कि ऐसी घटनाओं के दौरान लोकतंत्र के स्तंभ कहे जाने वाले दूसरे घटकों की क्या प्रतिक्रिया थी।
निश्चित तौर पर कहा जा सकता है कि विधायिका और मीडिया की उस दौरान की भूमिका सही साबित नहीं हुई। लोकतंत्र में विधायिका सर्वोपरि होती है और संविधान से इतर मीडिया को चौथा स्तंभ माना जाता है। लेकिन ये दोनों ही स्तंभ उन सवालों के दबाव में आ गए जो जमीनी स्तर से नहीं उपजे थे बल्कि गढ़े गए थे। सुरक्षा से जुड़ेसवालों का इतना दबाव बन गया है कि लोकतंत्र के विभिन्न स्तंभ अपनी भूमिका को कई बार लगभग स्थगित कर देते हैं और इसका नुकसान सीधे लोकतांत्रिक परंपराओं, आस्थाओं और मूल्यों को होता है।
एक के बाद एक आतंकवादी घटनाओं के होते रहने या वैसी परिस्थितियां दिखने से समाज के सामने कई तरह के सवाल गंभीर हो जाते हैं। वे लोकतंत्र के स्तंभों को उन घटनाओं के आलोक में कड़े फैसले लेने पर मजबूर करते हैं। निश्चित ही जिस तरह से आतंकवाद को लोकतंत्र पर प्रहार माना जाता है उसी तरह से आतंकवाद की अवास्तविक स्थितियां दिखाना भी लोकतंत्र पर हमले का दूसरा रूप है। क्योंकि लोकतंत्र के स्तंभों को तब अपनी परंपराओं और मूल्यों को क्षति पहुंचाने वाले कड़े फैसले करने होते हैं। न्यायालय जब किसी आरोपी को दोष-मुक्त करता है तो वह पुलिस पर मनमानी करने का आरोप सीधे भले न लगाए, लेकिन सुरक्षा बलों के प्रति अविश्वास और नाराजगी का भाव इस तरह के फैसले में अंतर्निहित होता है।
देश में कई बार लोकतंत्र पर हमले की तैयारी की आशंका जाहिर की गई है। लेकिन ऐसे अधिकतर मौकों पर यही देखा गया कि वैसी स्थितियां नहीं थीं जैसी कि दिखाई गर्इं। चिंता की बात तो यह है कि स्थितियों के बदतर होने का आकलन जिस तरह से प्रस्तुत किया जाता है उस पृष्ठभूमि में लोकतंत्र के सर्वोच्च स्तंभ विधायिका की भूमिका आखिरकार उसके पक्ष में सक्रिय हो जाती है। यहां विधायिका में बहुमत का ही महत्त्व है। बहुमत से ही कानून बनाए जाते हैं और बहुमत के बगैर जो राय और आशंका प्रकट की जाती है उसे दरकिनार कर दिया जाता है। विप के जरिए नेतृत्व के फैसले को स्वीकार कर लेने की बाध्यकारी स्थितियां तैयार कर ली गई हैं।
अगर आकलन किया जाए कि आतंकवाद के नाम पर निर्दोष लोगों को पकड़े जाने के खिलाफ विधायिका में जनप्रतिनिधियों की भूमिका लगातार कमजोर क्यों होती चली गई है तो निराशा ही हाथ लगती है। यह सामान्य अनुभव रहा है कि पोटा, टाडा जैसे जितने भी कानून बने हैं उनसे आतंकवाद के नाम पर कमजोर वर्गों के दमन और उत्पीड़न की घटनाएं बढ़ी हैं। इसमें सुरक्षा बलों की भूमिका बढ़-चढ़ कर होती है। फिर भी राजनीतिक दल खामोश रहते हैं।
इस तरह का एक अध्ययन किया जाना चाहिए कि मानवाधिकार हनन की घटनाओं को लेकर राजनीतिक पार्टियों और गैरचुनावी संगठनों में किसकी कैसी भूमिका रही है। किसी भी राजनीतिक पार्टी की किसी शाखा या घटक संगठनों ने मानवाधिकार हनन की घटनाओं को लेकर कोई अध्ययन करने की जरूरत कभी महसूस नहीं की है। ऐसी घटनाओं पर बोलना और अपनी सक्रियता जाहिर करना वे अपने वक्त और संसाधनों की बर्बादी ही मानते हैं। अलबत्ता जब उनके कार्यकर्ताओं के खिलाफ जब पुलिस दमन और उत्पीड़न की घटनाएं होती हैं तो वे जरूर कुछ हरकत में आते हैं। इसलिए कि चुप रहने पर उनके कार्यकर्ताओं का मनोबल न टूट जाए।
इस देश में लोकतांत्रिक परंपराओं और मूल्यों की रक्षा करने में गैर-राजनीतिक पार्टियों, संगठनों और संस्थाओं की बहुत बड़ी और महत्त्वपूर्ण भूमिका दिखाई देती है। एक तरह से कहा जाए कि ये राजनीति के आगे-आगे चलने वाली मशाल की तरह काम करते हैं।
चुनावी पार्टियों को जब यह लगने लगता है कि किसी समुदाय विशेष के उत्पीड़न और दमन की घटनाओं पर चिंता जाहिर करने से उन्हें लाभ हो सकता है तभी वे सक्रियता दिखाने को बाध्य होती हैं। जामिया मिल्लिया के शिक्षकों ने केवल न्यायालय से बरी हुए आरोपियों के मामलों का संकलन पेश किया है। यानी लोकतंत्र के एक महत्त्वपूर्ण स्तंभ न्यायपालिका के फैसले को ही अपनी प्रतिक्रियाओं के रूप में सामने रखा है। जबकि लोकतांत्रिक परंपरा यह रही है कि उत्पीड़न और दमन की घटनाओं की जांच ऐसी संस्थाएं और संगठन करते रहे हैं और उनकी जांच को गंभीरता से लिया जाता रहा है। यहां तक कि कई बार राजनीतिक दल भी अपनी जांच समिति गठित करके जांच के निष्कर्षों से समाज और लोकतंत्र के संवैधानिक स्तंभों और मीडिया को प्रभावित करते रहे हैं। हम इस बात की कल्पना कर सकते हैं कि दमन और उत्पीड़न   की घटनाओं के प्रति सजग गैर-चुनावी संगठन और लोग सक्रिय नहीं होते तो लोकतंत्र का ग्राफ कितना नीचे पहुंच चुका होता।
लोकतंत्र में दो तरह के लोग हैं। एक कार्यकर्ता कहा जाता है और दूसरा सत्ता पर काबिज होकर शासक के इतिहास में दर्ज होने की भूख वाला पात्र होता है। लोकतंत्र का यह कार्यकर्ता ही है जो इतिहास में अपने नाम को दर्ज कराने से बेपरवाह होकर उत्पीड़न और दमन के खिलाफ सक्रिय होता है। उसकी चिंता नागरिक अधिकारों और मानवीय मूल्यों को लेकर होती है। जबकि उसे लगातार उपेक्षा भी झेलनी पड़ती है। कई लोगों के अनुभव से मालूम होता है कि जब किसी उत्पीड़ित समूह को उसके शोषण, दमन, उत्पीड़न और अधिकार से वंचना की स्थिति में आंदोलन की जरूरत महसूस होती है तो वे उनका साथ लेते हैं और उनकी उपस्थिति को अनिवार्य मानते हैं। लेकिन जैसे ही आंदोलन की स्थितियां खत्म होती हैं वे भुला दिए जाते हैं। लेकिन वह लोकतंत्र का कार्यकर्ता है कि उत्पीड़न-विरोधी चेतना विकसित करने की योजना पर कायम रहता है। जिसकी कोई नहीं सुनता, उसके लिए वही सक्रिय नजर आता है।
आमतौर पर जो लोग मानवाधिकार हनन के खिलाफ तथ्य-संग्रह के साथ अपना विरोध दर्ज करते हैं उनपर तरह-तरह की तोहमत लगाई जाती हैं। कड़े कानूनों में इस बात पर जोर रहता है कि अगर सुरक्षा बलों की हिरासत में आरोपित ने संबंधित आरोप स्वीकार कर लिया है तो न्यायालय भी उसे उसी रूप में स्वीकार कर ले। यह तो पुलिस-व्यवस्था का एक तरह से विस्तार करना ही हुआ। न्यायालय में खुली सुनवाई होती है और आरोपित वहां अपनी बात निडर होकर कह सकता है। ऐसी स्थितियां लोकतंत्र के लिए जरूरी मानी गई हैं।
लेकिन इन कानूनों के साथ दूसरी मुश्किल यह है कि सुरक्षा बलों ने जो आरोप लगाए हैं उन्हें साबित करने की जिम्मेदारी उनकी नहीं होती, बल्कि उस आरोपित को ही न्यायालय में यह साबित करना होगा कि सुरक्षा बलों के लगाए गए आरोप सही नहीं हैं। ऐसे ही कानूनों के कारण समाज के कई कमजोर लोग निर्दोष होते हुए भी जेलों में बरसों तक सड़ते रहते हैं। उनके पास न तो शासन तक अपनी पहुंच बनाने का कोई जरिया होता है न वकील की सेवा लेने के लिए पैसे होते हैं।
जामिया के शिक्षकों ने जो तथ्य संकलन किया है उसके मद््देनजर पुलिस की ओर से यह अजीब-सी बात कही गई कि उनमें से कुछ मामलों को लेकर उच्च न्यायालय में अपील दायर की गई है। दूसरी बात यह कही गई है कि जिन एक सौ बयासी आतंकवादी घटनाओं की जांच-पड़ताल दिल्ली पुलिस की विशेष शाखा द्वारा की गई उनमें एक सौ तैंतीस मामलों में न्यायालय के फैसले आए हैं और सजा वाले मुकदमों की संख्या अड़सठ प्रतिशत है।
जब कांग्रेस और भाजपा के बीच सांप्रदायिक दंगों को लेकर बहस होती है तो दोनों के नेता उन आंकड़ों को दोहराते हैं कि किसके शासन में कितने दंगे हुए। दंगे न हों और इसमें राजनीतिक पाटिर्यों और उनके शासन की भूमिका क्या होनी चाहिए इस पर बहस नहीं हो पाती। यह मुद््दा ही सिरे से गायब कर दिया जाता है। यही भाषा सुरक्षा बलों के पास भी पहुंच गई है।
न्याय का सिद्धांत इस मूल्य पर आधारित होता है कि सैकड़ों दोषी भले छूट जाएं लेकिन एक भी निर्दोष को सजा नहीं होनी चाहिए। सुरक्षा बलों के लगाए गए आरोपों में तो विशेष जाति या विशेष धार्मिक समुदाय के एक नहीं, कई-कई लोग एक साथ फंसा दिए जाते हैं। कई अदालती फैसलों से यह जाहिर है कि ऐसे लोग बेवजह वर्षों तक सलाखों के पीछे रह चुके हैं। फिर भी उन अनुभवों से कुछ सीखने की तैयारी सुरक्षा-तंत्र में नहीं दिखती। जामिया के शिक्षकों की पहल से हुए तथ्य-संकलन के अलावा कई ऐसे मामले देश के दूसरे हिस्सों से भी सामने आए हैं।
नक्सलवाद और माओवाद के नाम पर भी ढेरों झूठे मामले सामने आ चुके हैं। इससे भी महत्त्वपूर्ण बात यह है कि न्यायालयों में जिन मामलों में सजा मिली है उनका तकनीकी और परिस्थितियों के आधार पर कोई अध्ययन अभी नहीं किया गया है। संभव है कि किसी तकनीकी कारण भर से कोई निर्दोष दोषी की श्रेणी में पहुंच गया हो और न्यायालय को उसका भान भी न हो। न्यायालय में फैसलों के पीछे कई तरह की परिस्थितियां काम करती हैं। आखिरकार लोकतंत्र को सुरक्षा बलों और खुफिया एजेंसियों के भरोसे नहीं छोड़ा जा सकता। उनकी चिंता के साथ-साथ लोकतंत्र के मूल्यों और अधिकारों की रक्षा कम महत्त्वपूर्ण नहीं है।